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^nHIUmiSSfrliSf Cervantes Saavedra 







A Tentative Bibliography from 1585 to 1892, 




Det iidla landet hor en tid dem kaxa; 
Sa ger det sin Cervantes, sin Murillo 
Oeh atergar till skaparslummems ro. 

Cabi SiroiLSET, Espaiia, 


[^All rights reserved.'] 



Bien tard, helas ! trop tard peut-etre, 
Apres maints chagrins survenus, 
Le destin ouvre une fenetre 
Et tout a coup nous fcdt connaitre 
Tin de ces amis inconnus. 

H.-F. Amiel. 

J'ai des songes, fort Mens, bien roses, 
LPune beauts claire et caresses ; 
Les partes en ne sont tout-closes 
Jamais ! 


It has long been my desire to write a Life of Cer- 
vantes. When this book was first begun, there existed in 
English, so far as I know,, only the pastiche of Eoscoe~ 
and the trifling monograph by Mrs. Oliphant; the former 
merely a rough translation, patched and boggled, from 
Navarrete ; the latter too slight and sketchy for any 
but very young readers. While correcting the last 
chapter of the present volume, I have s&evr^-vidi 
tantum — the more recent work of Mr. Henry Watt, 
at a period, however, too late to be of any service 
to me. I have, therefore, contented myself with 
glancing hurriedly through his pages : and, diflfering 
as I do from some of his opinions, I venture to hope 
that there may be room for the two volumes side by 

My materials, like those of my predecessors, have 
been derived in great measure from the exhaustive and 
invaluable Vida de Miguel de Cervantes Saaved/ra, 

viii FBEFAOE. 

by Martin Fernandez de Navarrete, whose whole- 
hearted devotion and minute general accuracy are 
beyond all praise. His monumental labour and untiring 
industry have met with but scant recognition from his 
successors. I gladly avail myself of this opportunity 
of saying that it would be impossible for me, at least, 
to exaggerate the immense extent of my obligations to 
him. From the later contributions of D; Jeronimo 
Moran and D. Kamdn Le6n Mdinez I have derived 
some suggestions, which are, I trust, duly recorded 
elsewhere. I have conscientiously endeavoured in each 
case to indicate the exact source of my indebtedness, 
and any absence of such reference on my part must be 
taken as being purely accidental. I can only most 
earnestly say with Alonso de Ercilla that 

Si de todos aqui mencidn no hago 
No culpen la intenci6ii, sino la mano. 

I have greatly regretted my inability to accept, 
in at least one instance, the conclusions arrived at 
by D. Pascual de Gayangos ; and it may well be 
imagined with how much hesitation and reluctance 
I presume to place on record my dissent from the 
opinion of that ripe scholar and judicious critic. 

The bibliography is, I believe, on a larger scale 
than anything on the same subject which has preceded 
it. I would fain hope that it may be found useful by 
many Cervantistas. I am painfully aware of the 
numerous deficiencies of my modest little appendix ; 


and I shall be happy to acknowledge any additions and 
corrections, however unimportant or minute, from those 
students of Spanish literature -who may do me the 
honour to examine it critically. It would be singular 
indeed if, in the treatment of a topic which extends 
over a space of time so considerable, I should not 
have fallen into many heinous errors both of commis- 
sion and oversight. But, incomplete and imperfect as 
this essay undoubtedly is, its blemishes would have 
been still more marked without the assistance of Dr. 
Richard Garnett and that of my friend Mr. G. K. 
Fortescue, to both of whom my thanks are very grate- 
fully rendered. To M. Alfred Morel-Fatio, whose 
authority as a bibliographer is widely known, I am 
indebted for service in this matter, as in many others. 
The death of the accomplished Dr. Pieter Anton Tiele, 
of the University of Utrecht, who had kindly under- 
taken to place at my disposal his ample knowledge of 
Dutch bibliography, has been to me a matter for ex- 
treme regret. I am highly sensible of the loss which 
that portion of the work has sustained in being deprived 
of his efficient co-operation. M. Jean Th^ophile Naak^ 
has given me much needful help in the transliteration 
of the entries in the Slavonic sections; and to the 
advice of Professor Johan Storm, of Kristiania, I am 
obliged for direction on points of Scandinavian scholar- 
ship. My sincere thanks are likewise due to my friend 
Mr. Charles Liddell for the leading he has ungrudgingly 


lent me on all questions of Italian and Provengal learn- 
ing. M. R. Foulchd-Delbosc, Mr. Gregory W. Eccles, 
Mr. R. Nisbet Bain, Mr. J, P. Anderson, and Mr. Henri 
van Laun have aided me in many matters of precise 
detail. Lastly, let me profess my deep sense of obli- 
gation to the learned D. Marcelino Menendez y Pelayo 
and to the illustrious orator D. Emilio Castelar. 

The name of one friend, without whose counsel, 
encouragement, interest, and unfailing sympathy this 
book would probably never have been completed, I am 
compelled to omit ; but the omission is in every way 
against my own inclination. 

No cantefable prent fin. 
N'en sai plus dire. 

Yet my gratitude is none the less profound because 
of my compulsory silence. 


Odoler, 1892. 


Tello jUiirielliz (Ricohome de Castilla cerca 988). 

Oveco Tellez. 

Gonzalo Oveqniz. 

Adefonso Gonzalez. 

Munio Adefonso. 

Adefonso Munio (at Toledo with Alfonso VI., 1085). 

Nunc Alfonso (d. 1143). 

Alfonso Munio de Cervatos. 

Gonzalo de Cervantes. Pedro Alfonso de Cervatos. 

Juan Alfonso de Cervantes (Comendador de Malagon en 

I la orden de Calatrava). 

Alonso Gomez Tequetiques de Cervantes = Berenguela Osorio. 

Diego Gomez de Cervantes = Maria Garcia de Cabrera y Sotomayor. 

Gonzalo Gomez de Cervantes = Beatrix Lopez de Booanegra. Ruy G6mez de Cervantes 
I (Gran Prior de la orden , 
I de S . Juan). 

, ' I I 

Juan de Cervantes Eodrigo de Cervantes = Maria Gutierrez Tello. Diego Gomez de Cervantes 

(Card. Arzobispo (El sordo). I (Gran Prior de la orden 

de Sevilla, ; . I de S. Juan). 

d. 1453). Juan de Cervantes = Aldonza de Toledo. 

(Veinticuatro de I 

Sevilla). | 

Diego de Cervantes = Juana Avellaneda. 

^ I 

Juan de Cervantes (Corregidor de Osuna, 1531-1558). Gonzalo Gdmez de Cervantes 

I (Corregidor de Jerez de la 

JBodrigo de Cervantes = Leonor de Cortinas. Frontera). 


Rodrigo.b. Dec. 1543. Andrea,b.Nov.l544. Luisa,b.Aug.l546. Miguel, b. Oct. 1547. 






HIS CAMPAIGNS ..... . .18 


THE CAPTIVITY . . . . . 42 



APPENDIX TO CHAPTER IV. . . . . . . .138 




THE THEATRE ......... 157 




AT THE capital: THE NOYELAS . . .216 




DON QUIXOTE ........ 258 








Antiquitas saeculi, juventus mundi. 

Tello Murielliz, Eicohome of Castile, who died 
towards the end of the tenth century, may be looked 
upon as the founder of the family of Cervantes. His 
grandson in the fifth generation was the famous 
Nuno Alfonso, whose reputation is only less than that 
of the Cid Campeador, and of whose half-fabulous 
achievements an elaborate record, based on the manu- 
script genealogy of Juan de Mena, has been left by 
Rodrigo Mdndez Silva.^ Nuno Alfonso was born in 
Galicia (probably at Celanova) in 1090, and, after 
being appointed Alcaide of Toledo, a post of honour 
first occupied by the Cid himself, died fighting against 
the Moors under Farax at Pena del Ciervo, on August 1, 

1 " Ascendencia Ilustre, Gloriosos Hechos, y Posteridad Noble del 
Famoso Nuno Alfonso. ... Que escrive Kodrigo Mendez Silva " 
(Madrid, 1648). 



1143.^ His first wife was Dona Fronilde, by whom he 
had a son, Pelay Munio, and a daughter, Fronilde — an 
unhappy girl whom he afterwards killed on suspicion 
of an intrigue.^ His second wife was a widow, Dona 
Teresa Barroso, who bore him five sons and several 
{" algunas") daughters,^ one of whom, Ximena Miiniz, 
wedded the Count D. Pedro Gutierrez de Toledo from 
whom Charles V. traced bis descent. The third son of 
Nuno Alfonso, Alfonso. Munio, assumed the territorial 
surname of Cervatos on inheritiug the castle of Cervatos 
built by his father on a strip of land near Toledo 
granted to him by Alfonso VII. On the death of 
Alfonso Munio, his elder son, Pedro Alfonso Cervatos, 
succeeded to the estate, while the younger son, Gonzalo, 
in order to distinguish himself from his brother, changed 
the family arms and took the surname of Cervantes,* the 

1 Mendez Silva, f. 18. See also " Origen de las dignidades seglares 
de Castilla y Leon, por el Doctor Salazar de Mendoga" (Toledo, 1618), 
f. 33. 

2 . . . "se arrojo JSTuno Alfonso k matar a dona Fronilde su 
hija del primer matrimonio, por hallarla hablando co vn Cauallero ; 
y lo mismo hiziera del, si la industria de escaparse no le valiera," 
Mendez Silva, f. 14. See also Nuno Alfonso's will : " Yten, mando 
se digan otras dooientas Missas por la desdichada de mi hija Fronilde 
que yo matfe." Ibid. f. 21. 

3 The sons of Nuno Alfonso by his second marriage were 
Fernando Munio, Pedro Munio, Alfonso Munio, Telle Munio, and 
Juan Munio. Ibid. f. 4. 

4 The arms of the Cervatos family were : Azure, two stags in 
pale, trippant to the left, or; a bordure gules charged with eight 
saltires or. These Gonzalo de Cervantes changed to : Vert, two hinds 
in pale or, the upper one at gaze, the lower pascant. 

The castle was probably restored by Alfonso VI. soon after his 
occupation of Toledo in 1085, and' was named after San Servando, 


name of a fortress on the Tagus, in the restoration of 
which by Alfonso VI., Adefonso Munio, Gonzalo's great- 
grandfather, had assisted. From Gonzalo was descended 
Diego de Cervantes, Commander of the Order of Santiago, 
who settled in Andalusia and married Juana Avellaneda, 
daughter of Juan Arias de Saavedra, El Famoso. One of 
Diego's sons, Gonzalo Gomez de Cervantes, from whom 
the American branches derived, became Corregidor of 
Jerez de la Frontera, and, later, Corregidor of Cartagena ; 
while another son, Juande Cervantes, became Corregidor 
of Osuna (1531-1558). Juan's son, Eodrigo de Cer- 
vantes, married, about 1540, Leonor de Cortinas, of 
Barrajas ; their oifspring were four children, Andres, 
Andrea, Luisa, and Miguel. 

Miguel de Cervantes Saavedra was born, probably 
on St. Michael's Day, at Alcala de Henares, and was 
baptised in the church of Santa Maria la Mayor, on 
Sunday, October 9, 1547.^ It seems strange that any 

a Spanisli martyr of tlie fourth century. There is a reference 
to San Servando (or San Servan) in the " Poema del Cid " : , 

" Essa noch Myo Cid Taio no quiso passar. 
Merged ya rey, si el Criador nos salue. 
Penssad sennor de entrar a la gibdad : 
E yo con los myos posar6 a San Seruan." 

(v. 3045-3049.) 

Calder6n likewise mentions it in "Cada-uno para si," Act II. 

SC. XX. 

1 The following is a copy of the baptismal certificate : " Ano de 
1547. Domingo nueve dias del mes de Otubre, ano de mU 6 
•quinientos 6 cuarenta e siete anos, fue baptizado Miguel, hijo de 
Eodrigo de Carvantes e su muger Doiia Leonor; fueron sus com- 
padres Juan Pardo, baptiz61e el reverendo Sr. Br. Serrano cura de 

B 2 


doubt should ever have arisen as to his birthplace ; 
but nothing can be more certain than that many of 
his contemporaries were ignorant of it, and Lope de 
Vega, to whom Cervantes was personally known, speaks 
of him in terms which imply that his birthplace was 
presumed to be Madrid. As the years passed by, and 
the fame of Cervantes grew, the most baseless surmises 
were made ; and, a century after his death, Madrid, 
Seville, Toledo, Esquivias, Lucena, Consuegra, and Al- 
cazar de San Juan each claimed him as her own. Diego 
de Haedo's Topographia 6 Historia General de Argel, . 
published during the lifetime of Cervantes, states his 
birthplace accurately enough, and Mendez Silva, writing 
some thirty years later, confirms the statement of the 
Abbot of Fromesta, whose work, though of primary 
importance in many respects, appears to . have been 
almost entirely overlooked by Cervantistas till Juan 
de Iriarte and the Benedictine monk, Martin Sar- 
miento, called attention to it nearly a century and a 
half after the date of its publication.'^ In 1752 the 

nuestra Sefiora : testigos Baltasar Vazquez Sacristan, e yo que le 
baptio6 6 firm6 de mi nombre = El Br Serrano." 

It will be noted that the surname is given as Carvantes, and the 
game form is used in the case of Andrea, Miguel's sister ; but this is 
obviously a clerical error, the form of Cervantes being used in the 
certificates of Andres and Luisa. Cervantes' elder brother Andres 
assumed later on the name Eodrigo. 

1 " Topographia 6.Historia General de Argel . . . per Maestro fray 
Diego de Haedo, Abad de Fromesta, de la Orden del Patriaroa San 
Benito, natural del Valle de Carranga " (Yalladolid, 1612). 

In a pamphlet entitled "Eemarks on the Proposals lately pub- 
lished for a new translation of Don Quixote. . . . In a letter from a 
Gentleman in the Country to a Friend in Town'' (London, 1755), it 


discovery of Cervantes' baptismal certificate by Agustln 
de Montiano y Luyando finally set the question 
beyond dispute.^ 

The AlcaM de Henares of Cervantes' boyhood was 
a very different place from the decaying, stagnant 
Alcala of to - day, whose grass-grown, silent streets 
gently echo the muffled footfall of the infrequent 
traveller.^ Some fifty years earlier the great Cardinal 
Ximenes had there laid the foundations of his University, 
had called around him some of the most accomplished 
scholars of the time, and within a brief space had made 

is pointed out that the Cervantes mentioned by Haedo must be the 
author of "Don Quixote." The reference (p. 30) is to a "passage out 
of Haedo, a Portuguese writer, which has hitherto been unobserved 
by all the writers which I have seen, that mention Cervantes, but can 
belong to no other person," etc. Colonel W. Windham, to whom the 
pamphlet is attributed, had not, apparently, read Haedo's original, 
but relied on the summary given by Joseph Morgan in his "Com 
plete History of Algiers" (London, 1728), ii. pp. 563-566. Morgan 
ends by saying : " It is Pity, methinks, that Haedo is here so 
succinct in what regards this enterprising captive." Colonel Wind- 
ham may be fairly held to divide with Sarmiento the honour of 
discovering the great writer's birthplace. 

1 The matter was much complicated by the discovery, at Alcdzar 
de San Juan, of the baptismal certificate of a Miguel de Cervantes, 
son of Bias Cervantes Saavedra, baptized November 9, 1558 ; and, 
further, by the discovery, at Consuegra, of the baptismal certificate 
(dated September 1, 1556) of another Miguel de Cervantes. On the 
margin of the first was written : " Este fu6 el autor de la historia de 
Don Quixote" ; and on the margin of the second : "El autor de lbs 
Quijotes." It is, however, improbable that either of these could 
have fought at Lepanto. 

2 Alcald de Henares is also mentioned in the " Poema del Cid " 
{vv. 444-446). The reputation of the theological faculty in the 
University of Alcald survived until a comparatively recent date. 
Questions relating to the temporal and dispensLog power of the Pope 


Alcala, where lie himself had once been a student at the- 
grammar school, the rival of Salamanca and of Basel. 
Here the celebrated Lebrija lectured, and here Nunez 
de Guzmd,n laboured with Demetrius Cretensis and 
Juan de Vergara on that Complutensian Polyglot which, 
through the munificence of Ximenes, spread the 
reputation of AlcaM throughout the world. In this 
busy, thronged University town, with its seven 
thousand students beneath the shadow of its college 
towers, the young Cervantes probably passed his youth. 
In Spain, as in the rest of Europe, it was a period of 
transition. The old Spain, the ancient order of things,, 
was passing away ; the long struggle of seven hundred 
years begun by Roderick on the banks of the Guadalete- 
was ended by the conquest of Granada from Boabdil ; 
the unity of the country and the destruction of her 
infidel enemies were at last accomplished. Spain was 
now at the topmost pinnacle of human glory. Columbus 
had added to her trophies a new world in which 
Hernando Cortes, equalling the legendary achievements 
of the early paladins, had with eight hundred men 
shattered the empire of the Aztecs. Only the splendour 

were referred to it, at the suggestion of Pitt, in 1788, when it still 
ranked with the Sorhonne, Lowen, and Doiiay faculties. See 
Charles Butler's "Historical Memoirs respecting the English, Irish, 
and Scottish Catholics" (London, 1819-1821), ii. p. 110; and "The 
History of Catholic Emancipation," by W. J. Amherst, S.J. (London,, 
1886), i. p. 163. 

For a sketch of the foundation of the University, cp. " Der 
Cardinal Ximenes und die Kirlichen Zustande Spaniens am Ende des- 
15 und Anfange des 16 Jahrhunderts," von Carl Joseph Hefele- 
(Tiibingen, 1851), pp. 94 et seq. 


of their successes flashed across the Atlantic ; only the 
triumphs of Spanish valour and discipline stirred 
men's hearts in Valladolid and in Valencia. The groans 
of Guatamozin, the tortured king of Mexico, passed un- 
heeded, and the murder of the Inca of Peru was for- 
gotten amid the successes of Pizarro. In an earlier 
generation, Gonzalvo de C6rdoba at Atella, at Tarento, 
in the island of Cephalonia, and on the banks of the 
Garigliano — the crowning victory of the Great Captain — 
had established the reputation of that terrible Spanish 
infantry which for a century carried everything before 
it. Charles V., tired of the unending struggle against 
the Lutherans, against Francis I. and Henry II. of France, 
had, like Diocletian, abdicated the throne, had placed 
the sceptre in the younger hands of Philip, and had 
retired to die near those peaceful cloisters of the 
monastery of the Jeromite monks at Yuste, which, with its 
orange groves and cool streams in the still shadow of the 
Estremaduran hills, had been, through many troubled 
years, a part of his imperial dream. The age of printing 
had come, and had brought with it new influences and 
forces into literature.^ The great Eenaissance of letters 
in Italy reacted on the Spanish students who thronged 
the Universities of Naples and Bologna. Even the 
iron-hearted Spanish soldiery who crushed the power 
of Francis at Pavia had felt the new tendencies ; and 
in many a country town were little groups of veterans 
who, ceasing to study war, had hung the trumpet in the 

1 See the interesting note in the "History of Spanish Literature," 
by George Ticknor (Boston, 1888), i. p. 355. 


hall and formed provincial centres of that new learning, 

that new appreciation of foreign rhythms to which 

Boscan had lent the first impulse. In that golden age 

of Spain, as in the old Greek republics, the man of 

letters was also either a man of affairs, like Hurtado de 

Mendoza, or a man of arms, like Alonso de Ercilla.^ 

One of the most potent foreign influences at this critical 

moment in the history of Spanish literature is to be found 

in the person of the Italian Jacopo Sannazzaro, himself 

of Spanish descent, whose Arcadia, with its train of 

shepherds, nymphs, fauns, and satyrs, became the parent 

of the modern idyllic romance. Among those who 

adopted the new methods was the great Garcilaso de la 

Vega, whose exquisite Theocritean pastorals show the 

profound influence of Sannazzaro, and, more indirectly, 

of Petrarch. Here and there, no doubt, some Castillejo 

or Villegas would stand fast in the old paths, vainly 

fighting the battle against the introduction of the new 

Italian methods. But the cause was lost. ■ Garcilaso 

had so stamped the impress of his genius upon the 

borrowed forms that Spain, for good or evil, received 

them from his hands and took them to herself as part 

of her intellectual heritage. Earely, indeed, in the 

history of letters has the genius of an individual so 

altered the channel and the current of a nation's 

literary expression. Yet at first the influence of 

Garcilaso was confined to a comparatively narrow 

1 See A. W. von Schlegel's " Vorlesungen iiber dramatische Kunst 
nnd Litteratur. Sammtliclie Werke" (Leipzig, 1846), vi. pp. 391- 
392 ; and Friedrich von Schlegel's " Geschichte der alien und neuen 
Litteratur. Sammtliche Werke " (Wien, 1846), ii. p. 61. 


circle which took years to widen. The popular taste of 
the day turned with insatiable enthusiasm to the 
fantastic romances of chivalry which celebrated the 
impossible exploits and prowess of Amadls and Palmerin, 
of Esplandian and Felixmarte. The picaresco novel was 
just springing into life, and while Cervantes was still a 
boy, sauntering idly by the river, — " nuestro famoso 
Henares" as he fondly calls it — there appeared 
Lazarillo de Tormes, the predecessor of Guzmdn de 
Alfarache, of the Ficara Justina, and the long line of 
picaresco tales which Europe knows chiefly through the 
intermediary genius of Kene Alain Le Sage. 

In such an awakening world, amid such contending 
influences, the young Cervantes grew up to manhood. 
Of his youth we know little beyond what we can deduce 
from casual phrases scattered over his own writings. 
He probably picked up what knowledge he could in a 
haphazard way, since the smallness of his father's 
means would make systematic education almost out of 
question for him. It has indeed been asserted that he 
studied for some time in the University of Salamanca; 
but this statement rests solely on the unsupported 
authority of a certain Tomas Gonzalez, who declared 
that he had found the name of Miguel de Cervantes 
in the matriculation lists of the University. No sub- 
sequent seeker has been successful in verifying this 
entry, and the statement of Gonzdlez seems almost 
xmworthy of discussion. It is by no means unlikely 
that one of the other Miguel de Cervantes, whose 
names have been mentioned earlier, may have studied 


at Salamanca ; but there is something like mockery in 
assuming that a poor man like Eodrigo de Cervantes 
would send his son to the ancient, distant University 
of Salamanca, rather than to the younger but not less 
famous University of the town in which he lived. In 
Alcald, then, though not an University student, we 
may assume that Cervantes passed his early youth, 
noting with keen eyes whatever his little world could 
show him — noting with interest, for example, the 
figures of two distant kinsmen of his own, Don Carlos, 
the hero of Schiller's play, and Don John of Austria, 
the future hero of Lepanto ; both of whom came into 
residence at AlcaM in the November of 1561. Among 
the pleasantest memories of these boyish days were the 
performances of Lope de Rueda, the father of the 
Spanish theatre, whom he probably saw in some pro- 
vincial town — perhaps Segovia — and of whom, thirty 
years later, he still speaks with enthusiastic admiration. 
Lope de Eueda died in 1567, having perhaps con- 
tributed as much as any one to the education of 
Cervantes, whom we find at Madrid in 1568, in his 
twenty-first year. 

Don Carlos, the heir to the Spanish throne, had died 
on July 24, 1568. On October 3, his stepmother, 
Isabel of Valois, third wife of Philip II., died in child- 
bed. The coincidence of their premature deaths gave 
rise to sinister suspicions in the age in which they 
lived — suspicions which seem to have lurked in the 
dark imagination of Isabel's mother, Catherine de 
Medici ; but it is safe to assert that, so far as concerns- 


the death of Isabel, these suspicions were without the 
least foundation.^ History, remorselessly shattering 
the airy, uncurbed imagination of the dramatist, reveals 
Don Carlos to us as a sombre, brutal, malignant, half- 
insane spirit, differing vastly from the gallant passionate 
lover immortalised by the genius of Alfieri and Schiller, 
Otway and Chenier. Isabel, who has the rare distinc- 
tion of escaping the slanderous banter of the amusing, 
malignant Brantome, so far from having conceived an 
incestuous passion for her stepson, appears to have felt 
for the crack-brained boy no other feeling than that of 
affectionate pity. But however the malicious tongues 
might wag in the market-place, condolences, ofl&cial and 
oflBcious, were not wanting to the widowed King. 
Amongst others, Juan Lopez de Hoyos, professor of 
humanities in Madrid, published, early in 1569, a col- 
lection of verses by different hands, to which we find 
Cervantes contributing, thus making his first appearance 
as an author.^ Juan Lopez de Hoyos directs special 

1 In M. Gachard's "Don Carlos et Philippe II." (Paris, 1867) 
the relations between the pair are minutely and ably discussed. 
Philip's more or less deliberate neglect of proper precautions no doubt 
contributed to the death of Carlos, but that he had any more direct 
part in bringing about his son's death has never been proved. Those 
who maintain that Don Carlos was murdered by his father have never 
been able to agree as to the exact manner of his death, which Llorente 
attributes to a slow poison. Other writers declare that he died by 
suffocation, strangling, decapitation, etc. 

Cp. Catherine de Medici's letter to Fourquevaulx in Friedrich von 
Eaumer's " Briefe aus Paris zur Erlauterung der Geschichte des 
sechzehnten und siebzehnten Jahrhunderts " (Leipzig, 1831), i. p. 155. 

2 "Historia y relacidn verdadera de la enfermedad, felicisimo 
trdnsito, y suntuosas exequias fiinebres de la serenisima Eeina de 


attention to the verses of Cervantes, whom he calls his 
" dear and beloved pupil." It assuredly needed an 
infallible literary instinct to detect in the crude stanzas 
of the young man the least foreshadowing of the un- 
revealed powers of the future author of Don Quixote, 
for it must be owned that Cervantes' dirges are of 
no remarkable excellence. But no one expects that 
a Lycidas, an Adonais, an In Memoriam, or a 
Thyrsis should be forthcoming whenever ' a Eoyal per- 
sonage dies ; and one may fairly say that Cervantes' 
juvenile lines are no worse than the bulk of official 
elegies, and are infinitely better than some of the as- 
tounding verses called forth in our own century by the 
very similar occasion of the death of the Princess 
Charlotte. Apart from the Cancioneros, Boscdn and 
Garcilaso, comparatively little verse had been pub- 
lished, and the little that had been given to the world 
was so little read that a high standard of taste was 
scarcely possible. It may therefore be assumed that 
Cervantes met with even more than the usual large 
indulgence which, on similar occasions, cynical con- 
temporaries have agreed in according to courtly versi- 
fiers. In the autumn of 1568, Monsignore Giulio 
Acquaviva, Camarero of Pius V., came to Spain on a 
special embassy to settle some outstanding diflBculties 
between the Holy See and Philip II., with regard to the 
state of affairs in Milan, and also as the bearer of the 
official condolences of the Pope to the King on the 

Espafla Dona Isabel de Valois, nuestra senora, con los sermones, letra?, 
y epitafios i su tiimulo," etc. (Madrid, 1569). 


death of Don Carlos. His task was no easy one, 
and probably" Philip's ear caught something hollow in 
the formal phrases of sympathy on his son's death — a 
subject which was highly distasteful to him. The 
young Monsignore — he was only in his twenty-third 
year — appears to have failed in the object of his diplo- 
matic mission, and early in the month of December the 
passport for his return journey to Italy was made out.'^ 
With him went the young Cervantes, before the volume 
containing his juvenile verses had appeared. "Much 
ingenious discussion has taken place with regard to the 
cause of this abrupt departure, and, as usual, the 
amount of speculation seems out of all proportion to the 
extremely slender evidence. There is a vague legend 
that Cervantes held some minor post at Court, where in 
his early youth he is said to have been a page. No 
positive evidence in support of this tradition can 
be brought forward; but a document discovered at 
Simancaa, by the indefatigable industry of D. Jeronimo 
Moran, has an indirect bearing upon ifc.^ From this 
paper (dated September 15, 1569) it appears that 
one Miguel de Cervantes had been previously con- 
demned for wounding Antonio de Sigura in the neigh- 

1 Philip had written to Ziiniga, his minister in Eome, on August 
27, 1568, that His Holiness need "not feel under the necessity of 
sending him letters of condolence." — "W. H. Prescott's "History of the 
Keign of Philip the Second" (London, 1873), ii. p. 449. 

2 " Vida de Miguel de Cervantes Saavedra, por Don Jerdnimo 
Mordn" (Madrid, 1863), pp. 26-27. "Para que un alguazil vaya 
aprender a Myguel de Zerbantes." The said Myguel de Zerbantes, 
having wounded Antonio de Sigura, "fue condenado d que con 
berguenza publica le fuese cortado la mano derecha." 


bourhood of tlie Court, and, having escaped from justice, 
was supposed to be in hidiDg not far off. Few offences, 
according to the cruel ordinances of the old Spanish 
code, were visited with penalties more terrible than 
those meted out to brawlers within the precincts of the 
Court ; nor was Spain peculiar in a statute which in 
our country existed to a period within the remembrance 
of men still living. Philip, who held the threads of 
every question, however minute, in his own hands, was 
the last man in the world to abate by one jot or tittle 
the debt due to the outraged majesty of the Crown. 
Diego Hurtado de Mendoza, a man of ancient family, 
an official of the highest rank and most eminent dis- 
tinction, one of the glorious galaxy during the morning 
of Spanish letters, incurred professional degradation, if 
not absolute ruin, through a similar outbreak. But the 
long list of distinguished offenders whose names are 
included in his piece justificative shows that in Spain 
such sallies of tempestuous passion were by no means, 
rare.'^ The law, in Spain as in England, based pri- 
marily not on popular approval but on the personal 
will of the sovereign, might single out one offence for 
the special reprobation of the courts of justice ; but the 
private citizen, especially in Spain, where the current of 

''■ "Historia de la Literatura espanola, por M. G. Ticknor, 
traducida al oastellano, con adiciones y notas criticas, por D. Pascual 
de Gayangos y D. Enrique de Vedia" (Madrid, 1851-1856), ii. pp. 

The English procedure in similar cases, with its ghastly cere- 
monial involving the presence of the Sergeant of the Woodyard, 
Master Cook, Sergeant of the Poultry, Yeoman of the Scullery, 


men's blood flows faster than in other latitudes, took 
little heed of the saws of the courtly legislator. Court 
or no Court, the fiery Spaniard had no idea of meekly 
pocketing an afiront ; and, in his twenty-second year, we 
may be very sure that discretion was the smallest factor 
in the valour of Cervantes. It is, indeed, by no means 
certain that the Miguel de Cervantes referred to in the 
above-mentioned document, is actually the youngest son 
of Rodrigo de Cervantes of Alcald de Henares : but 
nothing in the subsequent career of Cervantes is incon- 
sistent with the hypothesis. The Miguel de Cervantes 
who was flying from justice had assuredly every pos- 
•sible reason for keeping out of reach of Philip's 
alguazils, for he had been sentenced to have his right 
hand cut off previous to being exiled for ten years. A 
faint tradition has long existed to the effect that at 
this time Cervantes had some love passages with one of 
the ladies about the Court. If so, this in itself might well 
condemn him to exile. For a similar act of presump- 
tion, Camoens, twenty-five years previously, had been 
sent first to Constancia, and afterwards to Ceuta. A 
mere poet must not lightly lift his eyes to a high Dama 
de Pciqo, be she Caterina de Atayde or another. The 
name of Cervantes' goddess has not come down to us, as 

Sergeant Farrier, Groom of the Salcery, etc., is stated in Luke Owen 
Pike's " History of Crime in England " (London, 1876), ii. pp. 83-84. 
Tor Mendoza's case see D. Eloy Sendn y Alonso's "D. Diego 
Hurtado de Mendoza, apuntes biogrdfico-criticos" (Granada, 1886). 
Those who doubtfully attribute " LazariUo de Tormes " to Mendoza 
will be confirmed in their doubts after reading M. A. Morel-Fatio's 
conscientious examination of the question in his " Etudes sur 
I'Espagne" (Paris, 1888), pp. 115-177. 


in the case of Camoens, but her existence is only too 

And in this place, as well as in any other, attention 
may be drawn to the strange parallelism which exists 
between the chequered destinies of Cervantes, the 
greatest of Spaniards, and Camoens, the Jine Jleur of 
the Lusitanian genius. As in the case of Cervantes, the 
very day on which Camoens was born is unkaown ; and, 
in the case of the latter, the year of his death is still a 
matter of dispute. As Cervantes fled to Italy in half- 
voluntary, half-compulsory exile, so Camoens was in- 
terned at Ceuta to escape a still worse thing. Camoens, 
in passing through the Straits of Gibraltar, came into 
conflict with a squadron of Moorish pirates, and lost the 
use of his right eye ; Cervantes, a generation later, was 
maimed for life in the battle of Lepanto. Camoens 
served as a simple soldier in North Africa ; Cervantes, 
likewise, took part in the occupation of Tunis and La 
Goletta. Camoens, returning unpromoted to Portugal, 
fell into a street brawl at Lisbon in the defence of a 
couple of maskers, and a wound inflicted by him on 
Gongalo Borges — fortunately not in such a sacrosanct 
spot as that where Cervantes and Sigura had crossed 
swords — cost him some three years' imprisonment. 
Cervantes, returning unpromoted to Spain, but with 
recommendatory letters in his pocket, met with a fleet 
of Algerine pirates, was taken prisoner and kept in cap- 
tivity for five years. It would be easy to prolong the 
parallel, but, for the present, we may leave it.^ 

1 John Adamson's " Life and Writings of Luis de Camoens " 
(Londor, 1820), i. pp. 234-236. 


Whatever the motives of Cervantes may have been, 
there is absolutely no doubt that he did join the house- 
hold of the young Papal legate, who, himself a patron 
of letters, may be supposed to have sympathised all the 
more readily with the young poet, after his own very 
recent and unpleasant experience of the unbending 
nature of the King.^ From Valencia, the city of the 
Cid, the charms of which are celebrated in a charac- 
teristic passage in his last book, Persiles y Sigis- 
fnunda, Cervantes, with his patron, passed to Italy, 
not to return for twelve years. In an imperfect way, 
the decree of the Court was to be accomplished on 
board the Marquesa, and in the Algerine galleys. 

1 Acquaviva's recommendatory letter from Ziiniga, the Spanish 
Minister in Eome, is dated September 19, 1568. His return 
passport is dated December 2, 1568. His failure does not seem to 
have been discreditable to him, as he was created Cardinal in 1570 
at the age of twenty-four. He died on July 21, 1574, and is buried 
in St. John Lateran. He was the second son of the Duke of Atri, 
and nephew of the celebrated General of the Jesuits. A slight sketch 
of his brief career may be found in Baldassare Storace's "Istoria della 
Famiglia Acquaviva" (Eoma, 1738), and an engraving of his tomb is 
given in Pompeo Litta's " Celebri Famiglie Italiane " (Milano, 1819). 
Cervantes refers to his position as camarero to Acquaviva in the 
dedication of " Galatea " to Ascanio Colonna. 



No creo que cosa hay mas lastimera, 
Qu' el miserable officio del soldado, 
Siempre armas, nunca paga, y por su suerte 
gran infamia 6 sentenciado 4 muerte. 

Lufs Zapata, Carlo Famoso, Can. vil. 

We can form some idea of the route taken by Acqua- 
viva and his train by tracing the path of Periandro 
in Persiles from the city of those fair Valencians who 
betrayed Cervantes into the unpardonable heresy of 
ranking their dialect above his native propio toledano: 
Only the Portuguese tongue, he declares, can vie with 
it in grace and sweetness ; but, as we shall see later, 
his leaning towards Portugal had a basis so purely 
personal that a very large deduction must be made from 
his somewhat florid eulogies. Barcelona and Perpignan. 
are left behind ; the land of Gruillem de Cabestanh and 
Peire Vidal, the Provengal country where " every man 
and woman learns Spanish," fades away in the west till 
at last Milan is reached, the half-Spanish town of Lucca 
is passed, and after a final halt at Acquapendente the 
cavalcade rides into Eome through the Porta del Popolo. 


Cervantes arrived in Rome in the spring of 1569 and 
remained there for some fifteen months. It was pro- 
bably during this time that his Filena, now lost to us, 
was written, and that he laid the foundation of his 
knowledge of Italian literature. For the young Mon- 
signore Acquaviva, whose protection had been so oppor- 
tunely extended, he seems to have retained the kindliest 
memory, but to a young man of his temperament the 
monotonous duties of camarero would inevitably be- 
come more and more unendurable. Chinese Gordon 
regulating the length of ladies' trains' at Calcutta was 
scarcely more grotesquely out of place than the im- 
petuous Cervantes murmuring agreeable nothings to the 
importunate crew who throng the antechambers of a 
prospective Cardinal. In the summer of 1570, he 
resigned bis post and enlisted as a private soldier in 
Diego de Urbina's company of Miguel de Moncada's 
regiment, which at that time formed part of the force 
under the command of Marc Antonio Colonna. 

It was a critical moment in the history of Europe, and, 
as Cervantes played some small part — " Tuve, aunque 
humilde, parte " — in most of the important events which 
followed, a few paragraphs may be spared here to a 
rough outline of the state of affairs. When Selim II., 
son of Solyman the Magnificent, ascended his father's 
throne, a peace of nearly thirty years' duration had 
existed between the Turkish Empire and the Venetian 
Eepublic. The political tendencies of heirs-apparent 
are seldom a profound secret, even in Turkey, and as 
Selim was believed to be bitterly hostile to Venice, the 



news of his accession was received in the Palace of the 
Doges with the gravest anxiety. Selim's powers of 
dissimulation were, however, Oriental in their complete- 
ness, and one of his first acts, on assuming, the' reins of 
government, was to renew the existing treaty. The 
earlier part of his reign was devoted to the adminis- 
tration of domestic affairs, and to the crushing of a 
formidable revolt among the wild tribes of Yemen. 
Previous to ascending the throne he had for many 
years cast a longing eye upon the island of Cyprus, and 
when he felt himself sufficiently secure at home he at 
once turned to the accomplishment of his old desire.-^ 
The autumn of 1569 found him free to act. The winter 
was spent in amassing warlike stores, and in the silent, 
stealthy equipment of army and of fleet, with such 
success that in the spring of 1570 the preparations of 
the Turkish armament were practically complete. In 
the month of April, 1570, Cubat Caius was sent to 
Venice as a special ambassador with instructions to 
complain that Cyprus had for some time past become 
the head-quarters of the Levantine corsairs, who preyed 
on the peaceful merchantmen of Turkey and molested 
the free passage of the Moslem pilgrims on their road to 
Mecca. With a view to remedying these evils Cubat 
was directed to call upon the octogenarian Doge, Pietro 
Loredano, for the peremptory surrender of Cyprus to 

1 " Delia Historia Vinetiana di Paolo Paruta " (Parte Seconda, 
"Delia Guerra di Cipro"), (Vinetia, 1645), p. 7. ... " lassciauassi 
publicamente intendere ciie quanto primo succedesse nell' Imperio del 
padre, hauerebbe cercato di farsene Signore," etc. 


the Ottoman Empire. A more barefaced request has 
seldom fallen even from ambassadorial lips, and Cubat, 
as he passed in ominous silence up the steps of the 
Giants' Staircase between Sansovino's noble statues of 
Mars and Neptune, must have anticipated the inevitable 
reply. Only one response was possible, and the de- 
mands of the Turkish envoy were unanimously rejected 
by the assembled senators in the Chamber of the Great 
Council.^ Within a few days of the rejection of the 
Turkish proposal the aged Doge Loredano died, and 
was succeeded by the brilliant, eloquent, shifty Mocenigo. 
The question could now be settled only by the arbitra- 
ment of arms, and it remained for Venice to seek 
assistance in the imminent, unequal struggle. Allies 
were not easily to be found. No power desired to 
enter into alliance with a state convicted of unexampled 
perfidy in its relations towards its neighbours. Old 
grudges still rankled ; old envies, engendered by the 
commercial supremacy of the Adriatic Eepublic, still 
flourished ; nor was it forgotten that to the calculating 
neutrality of the Venetian oligarchy some of the most 
disastrous defeats sustained by European arms in pre- 
vious conflicts with the Turks were attributable. Venice, 
however, left no stone unturned, and her envoys were 
sent forth in all directions, Paolo Paruta, the historian 
of the war, tells the story of the failure of the Venetian 
ambassadors with a quiet humour which is irresistible.^ 

1 "Delia Historia Vinetiana di Paolo Paruta" (Parte Seconda, 
"Delia Guerra di Cipro "), (Vinetia, 1645), p. 31. 

2 Ibid. pp. 19-26. 


Luis de Torres, a Spanish prelate of great diplomatic 
astuteness, after a tolerably reassuring interview with 
Philip IL, passed on to visit Sebastian I., King of 
Portugal, a pious youth who would gladly have lent 
his aid ; but the prosperity and the armament of his 
country had been arrested and temporarily destroyed 
by a recent epidemic of the plague, and the Portuguese 
galleys lay disused and unarmed in the harbour of 
Lisbon. Charles IX., the Most Christian King of 
France, could not afford to quarrel with the Sultan. 
He had his own difficulties nearer home with Gaspard de 
Coligny and his Huguenots, and was forced to content 
himself with profuse promises that he would use all his 
influence at Constantinople on behalf of his excellent 
friends from Venice. The Nuncio at Vienna made a 
despairing appeal for help to Maximilian 11., but that 
weak, good-natured successor of the Caesars was in a 
high state of dudgeon and resentment with the Pope 
for having presumed to confer the title of Grand Duke 
on Cosimo of Florence without any reference to the 
Imperial susceptibilities. Under these circumstances, 
Maximilian declined to enter upon a campaign against 
a great military empire, the frontier of which was 
practically co-terminous with his own. Elizabeth of 
England was not likely to enter into any rash engage- 
ments, but great hopes were entertained that an ally 
might be found in the sovereign of Persia. After an 
Odyssey of adventurous wandering through Poland and 
Wallachia, the travelled Thane, Vicenzo d'Allessandri, 
returned with the news that he had failed in his 


endeavours to enter tlie presence-chamber of tlie Great 
King, and that Gaidar, the Eegent of the aged Tamas, 
would anxiously await the successes of the Venetian 
arms before committing himself by entering into any 
compromising covenants. Fortunately for Venice she 
found an ally in an unexpected quarter. The chair 
of Peter was filled at this time by Michele Ghislieri, 
under the title of Pius V., and, to the delight of 
Suriano, the Venetian Minister in Rome, the Pope 
declared that he looked upon the matter as a final 
struggle for supremacy between Christianity and 
Islamism. Alexander VI. might invoke the aid of a 
Mahometan dynasty against a Catholic Emperor ; but 
Pius V. was of different stuff, and, while he wore the 
Fisherman's ring, the Vicar of Christ would not join 
hands with the Commander of the Faithful. He rallied 
to the side of the Eepublic, and, adopting the idea 
from Cosimo, Grand Duke of Tuscany, called upon the 
Catholic sovereigns of Europe to unite with him in a 
Holy League which should wage another crusade against 
the Turk.^ On July 1, 1570, the representatives of 
Venice, Spain, and Rome met in the Vatican to draw 
up the bases of an agreement. There at once began a 
series of interminable wrangles on almost every point 
raised, especially with regard to the division of ex- 
penses, in which, considering that their existence was 
at stake, the Venetians conducted themselves with a 
shameless want of generosity which surprised even 

1 "Vita di Cosimo Medici, Gran Duca di Toscana, discritta da 
M. Baccio Baldini" (Firenze, 1578), pp. 75-76. 


their most hostile critics. When the spring of 1571 
was reached, the Catholic delegates were still word- 
chopping and arguing on comparatively unimportant 
points of detail. 

In the meantime, the drunken barbarian on the 
Bosporus had not been idle. The triumphs of dialectics 
he left to his Christian enemies to award among them- 
selves. While the Vatican resounded with the echoes 
of diplomatic controversy, Selim, careless of the 
academic laurels which he might have gained against 
Ziiniga, devoted himself to the more practical task 
of superintending the final preparations of his arma- 
ment. On August 1, 1570, a month after the opening 
meeting of the Christian representatives in Rome, more 
than three hundred Turkish ships of war, under the 
command of Piali Pasha, a Hungarian renegade,, 
appeared off the coast of Cyprus, and anchored in 
the bay of Limasol. The 'Ottoman troops were at 
once disembarked and advanced on Nicosia, which 
was carried by storm on September 9. The fall of 
Nicosia placed Cyprus at the mercy of the invading 
force and, with the exception of Famagosta, the whole 
island submitted to the conqueror, Mustafa Pasha, 
the commander of the land forces, then formally called 
upon the garrison of Famagosta — some seven thousand 
men under the command of Astor Baglione and Marc 
Antonio Bragadino — to surrender. The summons was 
rejected, and on September 15 the systematic invest- 
ment of the fortress began. 

While the Christian envoys in Rome were engaged 


in their ingenious diplomacy, a futile attempt was made 
to relieve the beleaguered garrison. Marc Antonio 
Colonna, Duke of Paliano, with the Genoese Giovanni 
Andrea Doria and the Venetian Girolamo Zane under 
his orders, was entrusted with the supreme command ; 
but the old mutual distrust and hatred of Venetian 
and Genoese foredoomed the expedition to failure, 
and Colonna found himself paralysed again and again 
by the malignant recalcitrancy of his lieutenants,. 
On September 21 the allied fleet lay off the island 
of Castelrosso ; and, after being scattered by a heavy 
storm, the ships of the three admirals met once more 
in one of the harbours of Scarpanto, where the 
smouldering quarrels broke out afresh, and the galleys of 
the combined forces returned without taking one serious 
step towards the relief of Cyprus. It would be difficult 
to exaggerate the angry disappointment with which 
the news of the return of the abortive expedition was 
received in the Vatican and in the Piazza of St.. 
Mark. Some scapegoat had to be found, and the 
unlucky Zane, who of the three admirals deserved 
the least censure, was at once placed ia close arrest,, 
and ultimately died in prison. The failure of the 
relieving squadron had its result. The tedious steps 
of the wrangling diplomatists were quickened, their 
petty diflPerences arranged, and on May 25, 1571, the 
treaty of the Holy League was formally proclaimed in 
St. Peter's. Eight months had passed since Baglione's- 
garrison had been hemmed in by Mustafa ; but the 
indomitable spirit of the defenders of Famagosta re- 


mained unabated, and the month of May found them 
still repulsing the attacks of the besiegers. The divided 
leadership and the conflicting personal pretensions of 
the chiefs had wrecked the autumnal expedition of the 
previous year. It was now hoped that under happier 
auspices, and beneath the standard of a more illustrious 
name, the heroic defenders of Famagosta might be 
relieved, and a deadly blow be synchronously struck 
at the increasing power of the Ottoman Empire. Don 
John, the natural son of Charles V. (and, through 
Ximena Miiniz, the distant kinsman of Cervantes), was 
appointed Generalissimo of the combined armaments 
of the League, and on September 15 and 16, 1571, 
the three hundred caravels of the Christian fleet sailed 
from Messina under his command. Cervantes em- 
barked on board the Marquesa (commanded by Sancto 
Pietro), one of the ships of Giovanni Andrea Doria's 
division. On October 5 the fleet lay ofi" Cephalonia, 
when a Candian brigantine brought Don John the 
depressing tidings of the fall of Famagosta. The 
commander of the allies learned with amazement that 
as far back as August 1, six weeks previous to the 
assembling of his forces at Messina, Famagosta had 
surrendered. It speaks volumes for the sleepless vigi- 
lance of the Turkish corsairs, or for the characteristic 
remissness of the Venetian scouts, that two months 
should have elapsed before any tidings of the disaster 
reached the allies. Terms highly favourable to the 
gallant garrison, which had kept an overwhelming 
force at bay for nearly eleven months, had been ob- 


iained from Mustafa Pasha by Baglione and Bragadino. 
These conditions were completely disregarded by the 
Turkish general as soon as the Venetian officers were 
in his power. On August 5, a discussion between 
Bragadino and Mustafa, with regard to one of the 
minor articles of the capitulation, ended in an angry 
dispute. Bragadino and his officers were at once 
arrested. Baglione, the soul of the heroic defence, 
and his chief lieutenants, Martinengo, Quirini, Kago- 
nasco, and Straco, were hacked to pieces by the 
scimitars of the Turkish janissaries, while Bragadino, 
drenched with the blood of his comrades, was reserved 
by the vindictive barbarian for a fate infinitely more 
horrible. His ears and nose were cut off, and on 
August 17, after suff'ering unspeakable outrages, he 
was flayed alive. His body, filled with straw, was 
mounted on a cow and treated with nameless indignities, 
while the crimson umbrella of state was borne before 
him with ceremonious mockery. Finally, his stuffed- 
.skin was swung up to the yard-arm of the Turkish 
Pasha's galiot. Famagosta underwent all the horrors 
of a place carried by storm. The churches of the 
Christians were rifled, their tombs outraged, their 
homes violated; and those survivors who escaped 
the minor misfortune of massacre were sent to the 
slow martyrdom of the Turkish galleys.^ Such tidings, 
•of the class " that turns the coward's heart to steel, 

1 Paruta, pp. 139-144. "Chronica y Eecopilacion de varies 
.«uccessos de Guerra, etc. Compuesta por Hieronymo de Torres y 
Aguilera" (garag09a, 1579), ff. 42-45. 


the sluggard's blood to flame," ran round the fleet 
and fanned the fierce desire of the Christian troops to 
meet their enemy. At sunrise on Sunday, October 7, 
their galleons lay ofi" the rocky Curzolarian group — 
the holy Echinean Isles of Homer, whence Meges led 
his forty black ships to the siege of Troy. The look- 
out in the maintop of the Real, Don John's flagship, 
sighted on the horizon two strange sail, the vanguard 
of the Turkish fleet under Ali Pasha, one of the most 
able and humane officers in the service of the Sultan. 
The standard of the League, blessed by the Pontifi",. 
and bearing upon it a representation of the Redeemer, 
was hoisted, and the report of a gun fired from the 
Real, which gave the signal for battle, called forth a 
burst of cheers from the allied fleet. Adverse winds 
delayed the actual conflict for some hours, and when, 
soon after noon, the first cannon was fired and the 
action began, Cervantes lay below, ill with fever. He 
at once sprang up and, replying to the remonstrances 
of his comrades, Mateo de Santisteban and Gabriel de 
Castaneda, with a touch of Quixotic extravagance, left 
his sick-bed to take his share of the fighting.-' Some 
Cervantistas, suffering from a more than ordinarily 
severe attack of lues boswelliana, would almost have 
us believe that Christendom, on that great day, was 
saved by the single arm of their hero. But it may 
at least be claimed for him that he quitted himself 
like a man, and when the night fell, when the battle 

1 "Vida de Miguel de Cervantes Saavedra, por D. Martm 
Fernandez de Navarrete" (Madrid, 1819), pp. 317-318. 


was ended, the pursuit finished, and the enemy- 
scattered, the sinister lightning flashed upon the face 
of Cervantes stretched upon the deck, with two severe 
gunshot wounds in the breast, and one in the left hand 
which was destined to cripple him for life. The 
Marquesa, originally part of Giovanni Andrea Doria's 
command, had been in the thickest of the fight with 
the right wing of the fleet, under Barbarigo. Doria 
himself commanded the left wing of the fleet as the 
armada came into action. His manoeuvres during the 
earlier part of the engagement appear to have been 
of a somewhat dubious character, and the Venetians, 
who were distinctly of Dante's opinion that the Genoese 


uomini diversi 
D' ogni costume, e pien' d' ogni magagna, 

maintainedj with all the obstinacy of incurable prejudice, 
that he dexterously kept out of action till the battle was 
practically over. This is doubtless an exaggeration ; 
nor was the specious Italian lacking in plausible expla- 
nations of his peculiar seamanship. His explanations, 
however, do not appear to have carried conviction to 
every mind. The Pontifi", indeed, when he heard of 
Doria's strange tactics, expressed himself with the 
primitive fervour of an apostle, declaring them to be 
more worthy of a bandit than anything else ; but 
Genoa herself was more than satisfied. She hailed her 
distinguished son with enthusiasm, and the shattered 
fragments of an immense statue of Gianandrea which 
once stood before the Ducal Palace in the Piazza Nuova, 


and which may now be seen in the cloister of San 
Matteo, remain to show us how 

widowed Genoa wan 
By moonlight spells ancestral epitaphs, 
Murmuring — " where is Doria 1 " 

To us who live three centuries and more after the 
event, it is difficult indeed to understand the immense 
effect produced by the victory of Don John, To us 
Lepanto is of scarcely more importance than the 
capture of Ochakov by Potemkin, or that carrying of 
Ismail by Suvorov with which most English readers are 
familiar through Don Juan. Lepanto is to us but the 
first ominous symptom in the clinical history of that 
Sick Man whose steps become more feeble every day. 
Even as a mere feat of arms, the heroic deliverance of 
Vienna by Sobieski has somewhat dimmed the splen- 
dour of Don John's achievement. But contemporary 
judgment is ever prone to exaggerate the historic value 
of contemporary exploits and, to Cervantes and the men 
of the sixteenth century, Lepanto was what Salamis was 
to ^schylus. The philosophic inquirer, who seeks to 
know the consequences as well as the causes of things, 
may ask, in his embarrassing way, to be informed of the 
advantages reaped after so brilliant an exhibition of 
desperate valour, and the candid admission must be 
made that few victories so complete produced immediate 
results so inadequate, Lepanto was in truth but one 
incident in the development of a long series of events, 
the first ebb in the tide of victorious advance. But to 


Don John, to Pius V., and their contemporaries, Lepanto 

was the crowning victory of the world. To the last day 

of his long life, Cervantes was proud of his share in it. 

He bragged of it with an innocent, simple pride that has 

in it something profoundly pathetic. To have been 

there was for him in some sort an assurance of immortality. 

Like most veterans he loved to fight his battles over 

again, and we may be very certain that he turned as 

fondly to the story of Lepanto, as Mr. Bright referred to 

Peel and Cobden and the Corn Laws. The legend is 

never old for him, nor can the lapse of forty haggard 

years wither its infinite variety. Page after page of his 

writings is covered with allusions to it ; nor is prose a 

vehicle stately enough for the conveyance of his 

impassioned reminiscence. Verse and the gods alone 

can expound the full significance of his enthusiasm, 

as where in the Viaje del Parnaso we find Mercury 

saying : 

Eien se que en la naval dura palestra 
Perdiste el movimiento de la mano 
Izquierda, para la gloria de la diestra. 

And so forth, through all his volumes, are heard the 
notes of his own psean in which he sings of that unique 
battle, in which, as he believed, he had helped to save 
the world. 

The victorious fleet steered for Sicily, and on October 
31, 1571, it cast anchor in the bay of Messina. The 
returning heroes were everywhere hailed with ex- 
traordinary enthusiasm. The Pontiff, when the news 
of the triumph reached him, exclaimed : " Fuit homo 


missus a Deo cui nomen erat Johannes." The brush 
•of the painter and the pen of the poet were both 
devoted to the celebration of the victory. The mighty 
Titian, then in his ninety-first year, spent his last days 
on the unfinished picture of Philip offering Fernando to 
Victory which now hangs in the noble Museo of Madrid, 
among the masterpieces of Veldzquez. Vicentino's 
commemorative painting still decorates the Hall of 
Scrutiny in Venice ; but the more celebrated picture of 
Tintoretto has mysteriously disappeared. Cristobal de 
Viruds, a personal friend of Cervantes, and himself a 
sharer in the triumph, celebrated Lepanto in El Mon- 
serraU ; its glories were sung in Catalan by Puyol, 
and Herrera's noble ode was followed by a superb rival 
in the twenty-fourth canto of Ercilla's Araucana. One 
word of notice may be given to Juan Latino, the negro 
poet mentioned in the prefatory versos cortados in Don 
Quixote, who published, amongst other courtly verses, a 
laudatory poem on Don John. Philip II., listening to 
the solemn vesper anthems, received the news with 
characteristic self-control ; it is not too much to say 
"that in Eome, Venice, and Madrid, no other man was 
so icily unmoved.^ 

1 D. Cayetano Eosell's " Historia del Combate Naval de Lepanto " 
(Madrid, 1853) contains an admirably careful account of the battle 
and of the events which led up to it. It is worth noting that Torres 
y Aguilera, so far from agreeing with the Venetian estimate of Doria's 
behaviour, speaks in the highest terms of his seamanship and valour 
(ff. 71-72). Doria, however, held a Spanish commission. Cp. in 
this relation P. Alberto Guglielmotti's " Marcantonio Colonna alia 
bataglia di Lepanto'' (Firenze, 1862). 


Cervantes remained in hospital for nearly six months 
before his wounds were su£S.ciently healed to allow of his 
joining the colours once more. In the April of 1572, he 
had so far recovered that he could enrol himself in Manuel 
Ponce de Leon's company in Lope de Figueroa's regi- 
ment, then quartered at Corfu, and, later in the year, a 
component part of the expeditionary force engaged in the 
fiasco of Navarino. Figueroa's regiment was probably 
among the troops landed on October 2, under the com- 
mand of the Prince of Parma, with a view to operating 
against the Castle of Navarino. On October 7, Don 
John, fired by the recollection of the combat of the 
previous year, and anxious to repeat, if not to excel, the 
immortal victory on its first anniversary, vainly strove to 
induce the Calabrian renegade, Aluch Ali Pasha, the 
wary commander of the Turkish forces, to give battle. 
But thart skilful leader, who, alone among the Ottoman 
officers, had secured distinction at Lepanto by the 
annihilation of. the ships manned by the Order of St. 
John, had no intention of imperilling his reputation or 
his safety by entering upon any conflict, under • con- 
ditions disadvantageous to himself. Only one of Aluch 
All's galleys fell into the hands of the allies — that com- 
manded by Hamet, the nephew (or son) of Barbarossa, 
The story of Hamet's death — his being torn to pieces by 
the teeth of his galley-slaves — is placed in the mouth of 
the Captive in Don Quixote. Meanwhile, the stores of 
the allies were rapidly becoming exhausted, and Don 
John, tired of being a mere pawn on the diplomatic 
vchess-board, seeing that success under the given con- 



ditions was as impossible to him as to Aluch Ali, resolve'cl' 
in the bitterness of his soul to return to Italj. On 
October 8, the fleet of the allies sailed back towards 
Corfu, and on October 25, the forces of Don John dis- 
embarked at Messina. The contrast between the 
triumphant return of the previous year and the fruitless- 
expedition of 1572 is mournfully obvious. 

The painful warrior, famousfed for fight, 

After a thousand victories once foiled, 
Is from the book of honour razed quite. 

And aU the rest forgot for which he toiled. 

One or two sentences will sufBce to tell the last 
chapters in the history of the League. Throughout 
the spring of 15/2, the Venetian envoy at Eome 
earnestly urged the necessity of the most strenuous 
exertions in continuance of the war. At the same 
moment, the Venetian representative at Constantinople 
was secretly engaged in independent negotiations for 
terms of peace, without the consent or even the 
knowledge of the Spanish and Eoman Courts. On March 
7, 1573, the Venetian envoy at the Golden Horn signed 
a treaty by which Venice resigned all claim to Cyprus, 
undertook to surrender the port of Sopoto in Albania — 
the one Venetian success under Veniero in the abortive 
autumnal expedition of 1570 — and, furthermore, en- 
gaged to pay into the cofi'ers of the Sultan the sum of 
300,000 ducats. Voltaire's caustic remark that one 
might imagine Lepanto to have been a Turkish victory 
finds full justification in the action of the Venetian 


Eepublic^ On the same day, March 7, 1573, oa which 
these terms of peace were signed by Marc Antonio 
Barbaro in Constantinople, Tiepolo, the Venetian 
Minister in Rome, solemnly pledged himself to adhere 
to the covenant of the League. The suspicions which 
had kept aloof so many states when Torres and 
d'Allessandri were wandering over the world in search of 
allies proved too well founded. It is needless to dwell 
on the good faith of the state which pledged itself 
to one line of policy in the presence of the Vicar of 
Christ, in the chambers of the Vatican, while at the 
same time a diametrically opposite pledge was given to 
the Grand Vizier at the Porte. Venice had deserved 
her reputation only too well. The pages of mediaeval 
history are rich in examples of every kind of infamy ; 
but it is at least doubtful whether any civilised state can 
show an instance of political turpitude and dishonour 
more disgraceful than the perfidious abandonment by 
Venice of that League which her abject terror had 
called into existence for her own protection. The 
League was practically dissolved on April 7, 1573, and 
with its dissolution vanished the last hope of uniting 
the forces of Christendom against those of Islamism. 
The action of Venice in deserting the League called 
forth a storm of execration from the allies. Fierce 
anger blazed in the hearts of the new Pontiff, Gregory 
XIII., and Don John. Philip, when the news reached 
him, kept his usual impassive calm, and contented 

1 "Essai sur les moeuis et I'esprit des nations," ch. clx. : "II 
semblait que les Turcs enssent gagnd la tataiUe de Lepante." 

D 2 


himself with a remark of caustic irony on the policy of 
the Venetian Eepublic and his own disinterestedness,^ 

For a year Cervantes led the humdrum garrison life 
of a Spanish soldier at Messina, while copious despatch 
writers — " miserable creatures having the honour to be " 
— in Madrid, Rome, and Venice, followed that tortuous 
policy of chicane which is dignified by the name 
of diplomacy. The retirement of Venice from the 
League had, of course, destroyed the projects previously 
matured on the hypothesis of her adherence, and the 
summer of 1573 was passed in the discussion of the new 
' plan of campaign involved by the altered condition of 
afi'airs. A resolution to send a force against Tunis was 
the final outcome of the deliberations in Madrid, and in 
this expedition Cervantes took part. On October 7, 
the second anniversary of Lepanto, the fleet, under Don 
John, with more than twenty thousand men on board, 
put out from Favigtiana, and, on the evening of 

1 The policy of Venice is discussed with much moderation in the 
third volume of Mr. Prescott's " History of the Eeign of Philip II." 
Most students of the period will probably censure her dishonourable 
tactics with more severity than is displayed by the American 
historian. The secrecy of the independent negotiations at Con- 
stantinople was in flagrant violation of the twenty-second paragraph 
of the tripartite treaty (see Eosell, p. 186, "Eadem ratione," etc.). 
Some such step was, probably, expected from Venice and provided 
against beforehand. The Venetian aspect of the matter may be 
found in the letters of M. du Ferrier, printed in M. E. Charrike's 
" N^gociations du Levant," etc. (vol. iii. p. 375 et seq.). There is 
something highly amusing in the solemn impertinence of Mocenigo's 
speech to the Senators : " la compagnia d' altri, che douerebbe esserci 
d' aiuto et solleuamente, conosciamo per proua, che ci h di peso e 
d' impedimento." 


October 8, sailed in between the promontories of 
Mercury and Apollo, past the white Arab town of Ras- 
Sidi-bu-Said, under the hill of Byrsa, where, three 
hundred years previously, amid the fig-trees, and the 
date-palms, the saintly Louis had breathed his last.^ 
The troops were landed near the palm-trees and 
tamarind-shrubs of G-oletta, which was occupied without 
resistance; and on October 10, two thousand soldiers 
picked from the garrison of Goletta advanced on Tunis, 
under the command of Santa Cruz, " the thunderbolt of 
war," who had captured Hamet's galley at Navarino. 
At nightfall the allied forces were in possession of the 
town, the Turkish troops, under Hyder Pasha, haviag 
retired on the approach of the enemy to that sacred city 
of Kairw^n, where three hairs from the beard of the 
Prophet sanctify the mosque of Abdullah-el-Belawi, and 
where the DJEima '1 Kebir, the model of the celebrated 
mezquita of Cordoba, attracts the Moslem devotee to 
the tomb of Sidi Alba, the companion of Mahomet.^ 
Don John had received instructions from Philip to 
dismantle and destroy the fortifications of Goletta ; but 

1 See M. Francisque Michel's admirable edition of Guillem 
Anelier, the Provengal poet, for a touching account of the death 
of Louis: 

" Et esdevenc s' apres que vole lo Salvador 
Que mori '1 rei Frances, dont perderon color 
Totz aquels de la ost, e' n agron grant dolor,'' etc. (p. 32). 

2 "Don Juan de Austria, por Don Lorenzo Vanderhammen," 
ff. 169-173. Torres y Aguilera, ff. 101-105. I fail to see anything 
exceptional in the " rapacity " of Don John's troops which so horrified 
Mr. Prescott. They seem to have behaved as all soldiers in all 
countries still behave under similar circumstances. 


these instructions were studiously disregarded. Dreams 
of a vast African empire, first suggested by the Pope 
before Lepanto, and sedulously fostered by his private 
secretary Escovedo, floated before the vain, ambitious 
imagination of Don John. So far from dismantling 
or destroying, he appointed the celebrated Gabriel 
Sorbellone, who with Pacioti had designed the almost 
impregnable defences of Antwerp, to the post of Cap- 
tain-General of Tunis, with instructions to fortify the 
military position by the strengthening of the old works 
and by the building of a new fortress with all possible 
speed. -^ During the last week in October, Don John 
sailed for Europe, leaving behind him a considerable 
force under Sorbellone and Portocarrero, the military 
governor of Goletta. Lope de Figueroa's regiment 
was quartered in Sardinia. In the April of 1574, 
Marcello Doria suddenly removed this corps to 
Genoa, where, owing to the internecine jealousies be- 
tween the Portici of St. Luke and St. Peter, 
serious disturbances, bordering almost on civil war, 
had broken out with such acuteness as to call for 
the personal intervention of Don John. In the 
Galatea and the Novelas, Cervantes has left many 
a trace of his wanderings — many a sketch of Genoa's 
gleaming walls, of Ancona's silent bay, of Bologna's 
half- Spanish University, of Florentine palaces and 
Venetian splendour. The disturbances in Genoa were 
scarcely quelled when rumours of a Turkish descent on 

1 Torres y Aguilera and Vanderhammen, passim. See also the 
" Eelaciones, etc., de Antonio P6rez" (Paris, 159S), pp. 270-275. 


Tunis caused Don John to sail from Spezia, with 
Figueroa's regiment and other troops, for Naples, where 
he landed on August 24, 1574. On July 12, his old 
enemy Aluch Ali Pasha, with a fleet of three hundred 
sail and forty thousand men, had appeared before Tunis, 
while a vast cloud of Arab horsemen and Turkish 
irregulars from Fez and Tripoli, advanced along the 
right bank of the Medjerdah. Aluch All's Chief of the 
Staff was an engineer, Jacopo Zitolomini, an Italian 
.renegade who had formerly served at Tunis in the 
Spanish legion. Zitolomini had once been a hanger-on 
at the Court of Philip : one of the needy, threadbare 
gentlemen who haunted the ante-chambers of the palace 
with requests for employment. In an unfortunate hour 
for Spain, Zitolomini was cudgelled by one of the 
-alguazUs at Philip's Court, and, unable to obtain redress 
from King or Ministers, the exasperated adventurer had 
betaken himself to Constantinople, abjured Christianity, 
entered the service of the Sultan, and, assuming the 
name of Mustafa, had risen to dignity and fortune. 
His hour had at last arrived ; his " vigil long " was over. 
His minute and exact knowledge of the position and 
defensive works of Goletta and Tunis stood him in 
good stead. On August 23, Goletta was taken by 
storm, and on September 13, the position of Tunis was 
carried at a cost of thirty thousand lives, Mustafa 
falling dead in the breach as he led on his troops 
against his countrymen. The miserable tragi-comedy of 
Famagosta was practically repeated. Don John had 
sailed with his fleet from Naples to Messina, and thence 


to Palermo, where the news of the fall of Goletta 
reached him during the last days of September. There 
was, however, still hope of relieving Tunis itself ; but 
all Don John's efforts were frustrated by a storm which 
forced him to put into Trapani, where he lay land- 
locked and tempest-bound when, on October 3, he 
received the news of the loss of Tunis and the capture 
of the gallant Sorbellone, just as, three years previously,, 
he learned at Cephalonia the loss of Famagosta and the 
capture of Bragadino. With the force at his disposal 
any attempt to retrieve the disaster was impossible, and 
nothing remained for him but to accept with sullen 
acquiescence the annihilation of his vague ambitions 
and golden dreams, and to return with his galleons tO' 
Naples.^ Here Cervantes remained for almost a year, 
under the command of the Duque de Sesa, Viceroy of 
Sicily, and it is doubtless to this long sojourn that 
we owe the enthusiastic reference in the Viaje del 
Parnaso : 

Esta ciudad es Napoles la ilustre, 
Que yo pis6 sus ruas mas de un aiio : 

De Italia gloria, y aun del rmindo lustre. 

And here Cervantes' campaigning days are practically 
over. In September, 1575, he obtained leave to return 
to Spain, and, armed with recommendatory letters from 

1 Torres y Aguilera, ff. 110-123. Vanderhammen, ff. 175-189. 
Sorbellone (the Gabrio Cerbello of the Spanish writers) was ultimately 
ransomed. For a brief sketch of his career see "Scena d' huomini 
illustri d' Italia del Co. Galeazzo Gualdo Priorato" (Venezia, 1659). 
The pages of this volume are not numbered, but what relates to- 
Sorbellone may be found under the letter G. 


Don John himself (who, in June, had returned from a 
visit to Philip) and the Sicilian Viceroy, he embarked 
on board the Sol with his brother Rodrigo, Juan de 
Valcazar, and Pedro Carillo de Quesada, once Governor 
of Goletta, and now indirectly the godfather of Don 
Quixote himself. On the morning of September 26, 
the Sol was sighted by a squadron of Algerine pirates 
who swooped down upon her, captured the crew after 
a desperate resistance, and carried them into Algiers. 
For the present, then, Cervantes' fighting days are 
ended. He had had his desires. He had kept safely 
out of range of Philip's' alguazils ; he had drunk deep 
of the fountain of Italian letters ; he had seen life and 
men and cities. He had served in Italy and Sardinia, 
at Lepanto, at Corfu, at Navarino, Goletta, and Tunis. 
He had borne arms for five years ; he was a crippled 
man, and had found promotion's path a slow one. He 
was twenty-eight years old, and had touched the period 
when the faint penumbra of retrospect first darkens the 
disk of life. Some of the best part of youth lay behind 
him, and all his glory, his battles, and his hard blows 
had left him still a simple soldier. But fortune seemed 
about to smile on him at last. Some little prospect of 
advancement seemed about to dawn when the young 
warrior, crowned with his Carthaginian laurels, stepped 
on board the Sol. That vision faded into the painful 
distance as Arnaut Mami led him into his Babylonian 



The city is of night, perchance of death. , , . 

Her subjects often look up to her there : 
The strong to gain new strength of iron endurance. 
The weak new terrors ; all, renewed assurance 

And confirmation of the old despair. 

Jambs Thomson, The City of Dreadful Night. 

In the modern Gallicised Algiers few indeed are tlie 
remains of those bad old Moorish times when the im- 
prisonment of Cervantes began and ended.^ In those 
days the ill-paved streets of the nine-gated town wound 
their narrow length along in serpentine folds so much 
more close than the tortuous by-ways of Toledo and 
Granada, that two men could scarcely walk abreast 
with ease. The low, deep, confronting houses, with 
the emblematic aloe-plant above each door, approximated 
so closely that an active lad could leap from a balcony 

1 The chief authorities which I have followed in writing this 
chapter are Haedo's " Topographia ^ Historia General de Argel," and 
Pierre Dan's " Histoire de Barbarie et de ses Corsaires" (Paris, 1649). 
I have also made free use of the documents found in Seville in 1808 
Ly Juan Agustin Cein Bermiidez, reprinted and condensed by 
ITavarrete, pp. 312-349. 


on one side of tlie footpath to a balcony on the opposite 
side. He vCould promenade almost the whole town by 
means of the terraces and roofs of the buildings — a cir- 
cumstance, says the old monkish chronicler, with a touch 
of quiet humour, of which the light-footed thieves take 
■every advantage. The white, one-storeyed houses, viewed 
from the Mediterranean, seemed to rise above each other 
like the tier on tier of some vast Roman amphitheatre. 
Five times each day, from the minaret galleries of a 
hundred mosques, the voice of the blind muezzin 
■chaunted his addn — his call to prayer, with its soleinn 
jefrain of Aldhu akbar. To-day the entire province of 
Algiers possesses but two genuine specimens of repre- 
sentative Oriental architecture — the Grand Mosque and 
the mosque at Sidi Okba, beyond Biskra. The combined 
influences of the Zouave, the Chasseur d'Afrique, and the 
cosmopolite tourist have murdered the Eastern interest 
of Algiers; but, at least, the relentless extinction of 
the picturesque by these exacting vagabonds has been 
accompanied by an improvement in the material con- 
ditions of existence for which Cervantes and his unhappy 
fellow prisoners must have often sighed. 

The population at that time was divided into the 
two exhaustive classes of freemen and slaves. The 
slaves, some twenty-five thousand in number, were 
mostly Christians, while the bulk of the freemen con- 
sisted chiefly of Turks, Moors, and Jews. Among the 
Turks were enrolled the renegades of all sects and 
climes, and these, after the manner of their kind, 
j)roved the sternest, harshest taskmasters. The lot of 


the galley-slaves was so unutterably wretched that 
exaggeration can scarcely misrepresent it, and, with a 
characteristic refinement of cruelty, the logical minds 
of their captors led them to treat, most harshly those 
slaves who by social rank or previous education were 
likely to be able to endure least. But it would be 
unjust to deny to the Algerine satrap the possession 
of the faculty of judicious discrimination. Those who 
were fortunate enough to have the easier, lighter tasks 
apportioned to them sold water in the streets, and were 
soundly flogged if their own remissness, or the absence 
of thirst on the part of the passers-by, caused their 
receipts to fall below the minimum sum appointed by 
. the peremptory fiat of their owners. They washed 
linen, calcined walls, cleansed the putrid streets, acted 
as nurses to the Moorish children, and tended the 
flocks and herds. Such were the unlaborious tasks 
allotted by the thoughtful humanity of the slave- 
owners to the enfeebled victims of decrepitude and. 
old age. The unhappy beings who laboured under 
the fatal disadvantages of youth and vigour were yoked 
with horse, ass, or ox, and forced to drag the primitive 
Moorish plough over the sterile plains. When their 
labours in the quarries were ended they were harnessed 
to carts, while the whip was freely used to quicken 
the faint steps of the wretched victims as they carried 
the vast, rough blocks of stone to the site where they 
were to erect the harem of some debauched pro-consul. 
In the last resort they were compelled to carry out 
the hideous duties of the public executioner. The code 


•of punishment existing iu this realm of Azrael was 
as cruel as it was summary. Slaves were stoned, tied 
to a horse's tail and whirled over rugged pebble pave- 
ments against the sharp edges of projecting walls ; they 
were impaled, buried alive, bastinadoed to death, 
broken on the wheel, torn asunder by boats, or hung 
up by the ankles with their ears and noses slit.-"^ 

If the destiny of the Christian slave was one of 
the most aggravated cruelty, the lot of the Jewish 
freeman — though a common hatred of the Christian 
dogs might have been expected to unite the Israelite 
and the Mahometan — was not without its trials and 
degradations. Eightly or wrongly, the Jews had 
acquired an infamous reputation as coiners of false 
money, and Turks, Moors, and Christians joined in 
treating the supposed criminals with the most brutal 
manifestations of arrogant contempt. A Moorish boy 
meeting a wealthy, elderly Kabbi in the open street 
would order him to remove his cap, and make him 
humbly lift his hand to his bared head in token of 
submission. The unfortunate Hebrew crying his wares 
for sale would occasionally be brought to a halt at 
midday and ordered to take off his sandals, with 
which some white-burnoused young Turk would strike 
the wretched Israelite upon the mouth amid the jeers 
•of the bystanders. So great was the contemptuous 
hatred with which the Jew was regarded that, when 
any dispute arose between a Christian and a Jew, 
the sympathies of the Moslem were always with the 
1 Dan, pp. 405-407. Haedo, f. 8, 


Prankish slave/ But for all his ignominy and humilia- 
tion the Israelite received the recompense which was 
sweetest to him. The commerce of the province was 
almost entirely in his hands. The trading vessels from 
far-off lands, armed with the protection of a safe- 
conduct, thronged the ports with cargoes for him. 
England sent her tons of ore, her miles of cloth ; 
French galleons supplied the harems with lace and 
veil-cloths ; Valenciau brigantines brought pearls and 
wine and specie, and Catalonian argosies filled the 
air with the voluptuous odours of rich scents and 
perfumed waters ; Genoa unrolled her bales of velvets, 
of silks and damasks, while her Venetian rival dis- 
played her wealth of inlaid coffers, brazen tripods, 
and coloured glasses. As the middlemen in all this 
traflSc the long-suffering children of Abraham found 
their account. 

It seems strange indeed that this nest of corsairs 
should have been the centre of a flourishing trade, while 
away on the Mediterranean their galleys struck terror 
into the crews of peaceful merchantmen. Christian 
and ex-Christian brains and hands created and sus- 
tained the prosperity of Algiers, Christian slaves 
worked at the oar while Christian renegades directed 
the policy of the State. All posts of high authority 
among the ruling class were filled by renegades. It 

1 Haedo, ff. 19 and 23. His estimate of the Jews is highly- 
characteristic, especially in the little touch of self-complacency with. 
which he says: "Todos muy ignorantes, y grandemente pertinazes en 
sus ceremonias y sueiios ludayoos, porque lo he esperimetado y 
disputado con algunos, no pocas vezes." 


is not needful to believe unquestioningly the odious 
details set out with so much minuteness by Haedo ;, 
nor will the indulgent student of human icfirmity 
mete out to these unfortunates the stern judgment 
of that moralising chronicler. Yet it must be admitted 
that if the motives of their conversion were not beyond 
suspicion, their subsequent lives touched the nadir of 
infamy and social degradation. Abandoned to the 
most loathsome and disgusting vices, their open dis- 
regard of morality and their flagrant violation of the 
elementary principles of common decency would have 
scandalised the inhabitants of the Cities of the Plain. 
But the very nature of their crimes forms a protection 
against exposure.^ 

No inns existed in the town, and the trading 
Christians who entered Algiers were compelled, since no 
true believer would suffer their shadows to pollute his 
threshold, to seek lodging in the houses of the detested 
Jews. The Moslem pilgrims on the road to holy Kair- 
w£in slept in the mosques, which still throughout the 
East afford the poorer wayfarer that shelter which in 
^the Iceland of to-day the wealthier traveller finds in the 
village chapel. But though inns were wanting, there 
was a superabundance of drinking taverns where food 
and wine were sold. These houses were usually managed 
by Christians. " ye that, believe ! Verily wine, and 
the easting of lots, and images, and divining arrows, are 
an abomination from the works of Satan : shun them, 

1 Haedo, ff. 9-10, 27-28, 32-39. Dan, pp. 332, 336, 338, 343, 


therefore, that ye may prosper." The true believer, 
mindful of this last injunction of the Prophet, left the 
selling of wine to the mere Christian dogs ; so also did 
the renegade, still hankering after the flesh-pots and 
good things of Egypt. But unfortunately observance 
of the law ceased at this point. Conscience might 
prevent the Moslem selling the accursed liquid, but 
the curious elasticity of interpretation which characterises 
the Laodiceans of every sect came to his aid. Judged 
by the result, it allowed him to enter the Christian 
cabarets, drink more than was good for him, and maltreat 
the " infidel " owner.^ 

Three languages were current in this inferno — 
Turkish, Arabic, and franca — " un barragouin facile et 
plaisant," says Pierre Dan — a gibberish of Spanish, 
Italian, and Portuguese, of which probably some idea 

1 "Quant aux hostelleries, ils n'en ont point. . . . Mais' au 
lien de ces hostelleries, il y a quantite de tauernes & de cabarets, qui 
ne peuuent estre tenus que par les Chrestiens captifs. Ils y vendent 
d'ordinaire du pain, du vin, & des viandes de toutes les sortes. La se 
rendent pesle-mesle les Turos & les Renegats, pour y faire leurs 
debauches,'' etc. — Dan, p. 89. 

The views of Mahomet with regard to wine-drinking appear to 
have undergone some development. The passage in the text (Koran, 
chap. V.) is distinctly stronger than a previous passage in chap. ii. 
On the other hand, the well-known verse in chap, xvi., " And of the 
fruits of palm-trees and of grapes ye obtain an inebriating liquor and 
also good nourishment," appears almost to sanction the use of wine. 
But in all probability the reference is to zebeeb, an infusion of dry 
grapes or dates of which the Prophet himself drank at times. The 
prohibition does not appear to extend to Paradise, where there are, 
apparently, " rivers of milk, whose taste changeth not : and rivers of 
wine, delicious to those who quaff it." 

TEE OAPTiriTY. 49 

may be formed from the grotesque soDg of the Mufti in 
Le Bourgeois Gentilhomme : 

Se ti sabir, 
Ti respondir, 
Se no sabir, 
Tazir, tazir. 
Mi star Mufti: 
Ti qui star ti 'I 
Non intendir: 
Tazir, tazir. 

This may perhaps be taken as a fair example of the 
hastarda lengua of Zoraida in Don Quixote. 

Away up in the stately palaces of the Pashas, where 
the weird Moorish music of hemengeh and of ood 
floated past the porphyry pillars, through the cool 
arcade, while the Ghawazi and the Almahs trod their 
lascivious measures on the mosaic pavement of the patio, 
near the perfumed waters of the bright, clear fountain, 
the problem of existence may have seemed easy and 
pleasant enough. The life of the prisoners in the galleys 
is summed up in Dan's trenchant phrase : " S'il y a 
quelque lieu dans le monde qui puisse auecque raison 
estre appelle I'Enfer des Chrestiens, c'est assuremeat 
la malheureuse contr^e des Turcs & de ceux de 
Barbarie." ^ The town was a town of palaces and jails, 
the latter greatly preponderating. The Bano de la 
hastarda contained some two thousand captives, to 
whom at least the shadow of liberty was conceded. 
These prisoners were chiefly employed on the public 

1 Dan, p. 411. 


works, and could wander about the streets without 
hindrance so long as their owners did not need their 
services. Assuredly life was less hard for them than for 
their manacled brethren in the Bano del Rey, which was 
guarded by a corps of janissaries. Here stood the 
Christian church ; and as there were always some priests — 
occasionally as many as forty — among the prisoners, the 
Turk took a cynical pride in the spiritual accommodation 
so copiously provided by his benevolent foresight. Some 
of the senior prisoners had exceptional privileges granted 
them ; for example, one Pedro, a Catalan, a great 
benefactor of the captives, was permitted to erect a 
private altar in the house where he lived, at which Mass 
was daily celebrated till with seven other masters of the 
galleys he escaped to Valencia in 1582.^ 

In this world of corruption and degradation Cervantes 
passed five years. He had become the slave of Dali 
Mami, a Greek renegade surnamed El Cojo, who had 
commanded one of the Algerine galleys on that unlucky 
September morning in 1575. In this kingdom of Eblis, 
where the Spirit of Despair seemed to brood for ever, the 
intrepid young Spaniard soon became the acknowledged 
leader of the prisoners and the centre of their wavering 
hopes. Every plan of escape was matured in that busy, 
fertile, ingenious brain, and carried into execution by 
that brave heart. While his captors found their pleasure 
in watching two tattooed Moors oiled from head to foot 
wrestle amid the clash of cymbals and of drum, he may 
have stolen down to the market-place with his brother 
1 Haedo, If. 41-43.] 


Eodrigo,, and witli Luis de Pedrosa — a native of Osuna, 
whose father had been a friend of Cervantes' grandfather, 
the old-time Corregidor of Osuna — to hear the rdwl, the 
Arab trouvere, tell the "Tale of King Omar bin al 
Nu'uman and his Sons," in which Kanmakan and Sabbah 
seem the Oriental analogues of Don Quixote and Sancho 
Panza. So also he buoyed up the spirits of his de- 
sponding brethren by improvising dramatic representa- 
tions — ^playing perhaps in some of his own lost plays, or 
in some of those comedies of his old favourite, Lope 
de Rueda, to which Osorio alludes in Los Banos de 
Argel. ^ 

But on the whole his opportunities for diversion 
must have been few. Haedo, in one of his dialogues 
between Doctor Antonio Sosa and Antonio Gonzalez 
de Torres, places in the mouth of the former a ludicrous 
5,ccount of one of the practices of the Algerine corsairs 

1 " Antes que mds gente acuda, 
El coloquio se comience. 
Que es del gran Lope de Eueda, 
Impreso por Timoneda, 
Que en vejez al tiempo vence. 
No pude liaUar otra cosa 
Que poder representar 
M^s breve, y s6 que ha de dar 
Gusto, por ser muy curiosa 
Su manera de decir 
En el pastoril lenguaje." 

Jornada Tercera. 

For the reference to the "Tale of King Omar bin al Nu'uman 
and his Sons," and the probability of Cervantes having heard it in 
some Algerine bazaar, I am indebted to the late Sir Eichard Burton, 
•whose varied accomplishments it would be an impertinence to praise, 

E 2 


with regard to their newly captured prisoners. It was 
no uncommon thing for them, he says, to address the 
captive, some poor Estremaduran shepherd or Galician 
clodhopper, in terms of the most profound respect, 
informing him that they had just learned that he was 
a man of great rank and wealth, closely related to 
the celebrated Duke of Alva. The fact that the 
prisoner when taken wore a sound pair of shoes 
• or an untorn cloak ranked him at least as the son 
of a Count, or the cousin of some mighty noble. A 
barefooted monk, on the strength of an untattered 
habit, was classed as a Prince of the Church, and might 
be considered fortunate if his benevolent captors were 
content to let him sink to the humble position of a 
Patriarch or Archbishop. Sosa's personal experiences 
are in point : "Of their own authority, et plenitudine 
potestatis, they made me, a poor priest, a bishop, and then 
private secretary to the Pope. Eight hours each day was 
I engaged with His Holiness in a room where we two 
alone discussed the most weighty public affairs of 
Christendom. Next, they made me a Cardinal ; then, 
Governor of Castelnuovo in Naples ; and now I am 
confessor and director to the Queen of Spain, and for 
this end they suborned Turks and Moors who affirmed 
it." ^ Moreover, some few Christians, ^nxious to curry 
favour with their lords, supported these statements 
with regard to the excellent divine, whose master 
finally confronted the unlucky man with a crowd of 
Turks recently returned from Naples, who obstinately 
1 Haedo, ff. 128-129. 


averred that they had been Sosa's slaves when he was 
Grovernor of Castelnuovo, and that he had employed 
them as cooks and scullions in his vast Italian home. 
If a lowly priest of Sosa's estate underwent a trans- 
formation so startling, we may be very sure that those 
unhappy recommendatory letters of Don John and the 
Duque de Sesa were the cause of numberless afflictions 
to Cervantes. lb was at once assumed that the bearer 
of these damnatory documents must be a man of so much 
importance that a heavy ransom might easily be ob- 
tained for him. This, combined with his physical 
incapacity for severe manual labour, caused him to be 
placed in the Bano del Bey, where the more important 
captives were closely confined. No sooner was he 
imprisoned than he began to mature schemes of escape. 
His first attempt was a complete, and even abject, failure. 
He engaged a Moor to conduct him and his companions 
— Castaneda, Castilla, Meneses, Navarrete, Osorio, Rios, 
and Salto y de Castilla — to Oran, the nearest point 
occupied by the Spaniards. The omens were not 
reassuring. Some time previously a young Italian 
renegade had reverted to Christianity, had fled towards 
Oran, had been recaptured on the banks of the Wad- 
Safra, near Mostagan, and was brought back to Algiers 
where he was summarily executed.^ But Cervantes 

1 This treatment of reverting renegades appears to have been 
quite common. Any relapse from Mahometanism was very severely 
punished up to a comparatively recent date. Lane ("Modem 
Egyptians," vol. i., pp. 136-137, ed. 1871) once saw a Moslem woman 
who had become a Christian (denounced to the Cadi by her own 
father) led amid the jeers of the mob through the streets of Cairo to 


was not to be daunted by bis own experiences, mucb 
less by tbe experiences of others. The expedition 
started ; but at tbe end of the first day's journey tbe 
Moorish guide abandoned them, and nothing remained 
for the unfortunate fugitives but to limp back to Algiers, 
where Cervantes, as the ringleader of the prisoners, 
was manacled and confined more closely than before.^ 
Meanwhile, the father and mother far off in Alcala had 
heard of the capture of their sons, and had got together 
every real they possessed in payment of the ransom. 
But the sum did not reach Dali Mami's idea of Miguel 
de Cervantes' worth : and it was accordingly devoted to 
the freeing of Rodrigo, who had not had the misfortune 
to carry recommendatory letters from victorious generals 
or ducal pro-consuls. 

A second attempt to escape was soon afoot. When 
in August, 1577, Eodrigo was ransomed, he was. 
charged by Miguel to arrange for a rescue, by means 
of an armed frigate which he might hope to obtain 
through the letters of Antonio de Toledo and Francisco 
de Valencia (two Knights of St. John imprisoned in 
Algiers) to the Viceroys of Valencia, Mallorca, and 
Ibiza.^ Viana, a slave released at the same time with 
Eodrigo, went to Mallorca, his native place, on the 

the banks of the Mle. She was stripped, strangled, and thrown into- 
the river, and her fate became the subject of a very popular Cairene 

1 " El dicho Miguel de Cervantes fue muy maltrado de su patron, 
y de alii en adelante tenido con mas cadenas y mas guardia,'' etc^ 
— Navarrete, p. 321. 

2 Navarrete, p. 322. 


same mission. About three miles from Algiers, in tlie 
garden of the Alcayde Hassan, a Greek renegade, 
Miguel, for some months previous to the release of 
Eodrigo, had, with the help of the Dey's Navarrese 
gardener, been busily constructing a hiding-place in 
which fourteen Christians engaged in the plot had 
secreted themselves. Here their food was brought to 
them by a repentant renegade known as El Dorador. 
The envoys appear to have lost no time, and 
on September 28 Viana's expected frigate arrived. 
Eight days previously Cervantes had escaped from 
the town and joined his comrades in the cave. Viana's 
vessel was about to run up on the beach when some 
passing Moors sighted her and gave the alarm ; where- 
on the commander was forced to stand out to sea 
again. In the cave, the fifteen lay hopefully waiting 
the moment of release. Two days passed by, and 
some of the fugitives began to show signs of illness, 
brought on by the dampness of their hiding-place. 
At this point, " the devil, the enemy of man, blinding 
El Dorador," put it into the renegade's heart, says 
Haedo, to revert to Islamism ; he accordingly walked 
into Algiers and discovered the whole plot to the Dey 
Hassan. A troop of Moorish horse and a company 
of foot-soldiers surrounded the runaways and captured 
them, together with some of the crew of the frigate, 
which had returned a second time. Cervantes at once 
took all the blame upon his own shoulders, declaring 
that he alone had organised the plan of flight and 
induced the others to join in it. He was separated 


from his comrades and led bound into the presence of 
Hassan, who threatened him with torture and with 
death ; but these menaces were without result. The 
captive refused to answer any question which might 
inculpate others, and obstinately adhered to his first 
statement that he alone had conceived and elaborated 
the idea, adding that whatever punishment was 
awarded should fall on him only. For some reason 
very difl&cult to conjecture, Hassan spared his prisoner's 
life. The unlucky gardener was made the victim : 
he was hung up by one foot, and so suflfocated by 
effusion of blood.^ The Dey seems to have thought 
that Cervantes would be safer in his hands than in 
those of Dali Mami, from whom he purchased the 
arch-conspirator for five hundred ducats, no very great 
sum if, as Hassan declared, the slaves and galleys 
and even the whole city of Algiers were secure enough 
as long as the maimed Spaniard was safe in custody. 
No sooner was Cervantes in the Dey's dungeon than 
his eff"orts were renewed. By some means or other 
he possessed himself of a reed and a sheet of the 
glazed Venetian paper sold in Algiers, whereon he 
wrote an urgent letter of entreaty to the Spanish 
ofiicer in command at Oran, begging that some one 
might be sent to enable him and three others, prisoners 

1 Haedo, if. 184-185. See also the testimony of Alonso 
Aragon^s, Navarrete, p. 330 : " Que la fragata . . . fue dos 
veces i Argel, y se perdi6 en la segunda." , Doctor Sosa is careful to 
dwell significantly on tlie fact that El Dorador died three years later 
on the anniversary of his treason: " Muri6 en el mismo dia que 
descuhri6 este negocio al rey Azan." — Navarrete, p. 343. 


with Hm in Hassan's dungeon, to escape. This letter 
he induced a Moor to carry ; but just as the messenger 
was about to enter Oran, he was met by some com- 
patriots who searched him and discovered the in- 
criminating letter. The Moor was seized and brought 
before Hassan, who ordered him to be impaled, while 
Cervantes was sentenced to receive two thousand blows. 
The punishment was for some reason remitted, as we 
know from a very characteristic passage in Don Quixote 
that Cervantes was never struck during his captivity.'' 

But the prisoner was incorrigible in his efforts to 
escape. Hassan may well have said : " As often as I 
strike a woted for him he bangs up another barley 
sack."^ In September, 1579 — the year of famine, 
which witnessed also the completion of the Great 
Mosque — another scheme was prepared. A certain 
licentiate named Girdn, a renegade from Granada, who 
was known as Abdulrahman amoDg the Algerines, 
desired to revert to his old creed and to return to his 
mountain home in Spain once more. With him, and 

^ 27avarrete, p. 330. Alonso Aragon^s says : "Mand6 echarle de 
entre sus esclavos cristianos y darle dos mil palos ; pero no se los 
dieron por haber mediado empenos.'' In the story of the Captive, 
Cervantes, speaking of Hassan, says that among his prisoners was one 
something or other Saavedra to whom he never gave a blow or 
ordered a blow to be given : " Jamds le did palo, ni se lo mand6 dar," 
etc. ("Don Quixote," chap. x1.). It is right to add that the Moor died 
game, without revealing anything which might make matters worse : 
"Muri6 con mucha constancia sin manifestar cosa alguna." — Navarrete, 
p. 324. 

2 John Lewis Burckhardt's "Arabic Proverbs" (London, 1875), 
p. 197. A very amusing and instructive collection. 


with two Valenciari merchants, by name Onofre Exarque 
and Baltasar de Torres, Cervantes arranged that an 
armed vessel should be brought to Algiers, by means 
of which he and some sixty other prisoners should 
make their escape. The plan was on the eve of achieve- 
ment when once again the whole design was discovered 
by a renegade Florentine named Cayban, and a Spanish 
Dominican monk, Juan Blanco de Paz. A great deal 
has been written about the impelling motives of the 
treachery of Juan Blanco de Paz, and, as he always 
remained a professing Christian, his motives are by no 
means clear. But motives, unless they are obvious to 
the meanest intelligences, are usually impenetrable by 
the keenest minds ; and the vast bulk of the discussion 
on such points is mere verbiage. Certain it is, how- 
ever, that Blanco de Paz betrayed Cervantes to the 
authorities ; and Onofre Exarque, with a very natural 
alarm that Cervantes might implicate him by confes- 
sions extorted under torture, offered to pay the prisoner's 
ransom if he would embark at once for Spain. These 
terms were refused, and Cervantes, feariog in his turn 
that some of the weaker brethren might be put to 
the torture, came out of the hiding-place which Diego 
Castellano had provided for him, and surrendered him- 
self to the tender mercies of the Dey.^ A rope was 
fastened round his neck, his hands were tied behind 
him, and he was dragged before the tyrant : but all 
Hassan's threats were vain, and nothing could induce 

1 mvarrete, pp. 324, 330, 331-3'33, 336, 338-339 ; also the 
evidence of Sosa, p. 345 et seq. 

THE OAPTiriTY. 69 

him to exceed the statement that he had planned the 
escape with four others who were now at large, and 
that none of the sixty were aware of what was intended. 
Blanco de Paz tried to place the guilt of his treachery 
upon the blameless head of Domingo de Becerra, but 
fortunately, without avail ; and in the fulness of time 
he received the wages of sin in the shape of a gold 
ducat and a jar of butter.^ 

A far more ambitious design floated from time ta 
time before the captive's mind — a plot to enable the 
twenty thousand Christian slaves to rise, overwhelm 
their masters, and seize Algiers for the Spanish crown : 
but, like most other ambitious schemes, nothing ever 
came of it. The whole story of this captivity reads 
like a page from some wild, impossible romance. It 
seems strange that if, as we are given to understand,, 
the Banos were closely guarded by janissaries, Cervantes 
should not only have escaped twice himself but should 
have arranged for the escape of other prisoners, assisted 
in hiding them in a cave of his own construction, sent 
them food, supplied them with money, despatched 
letters to the outside world, and planned a general 
rising.^ Still more inexplicable is the long-suffering 

1 See the evidence of Alonso Aragon^s (ibid. p. 330): "A_ 
quien (Blanco de Paz) el rey agasaj6 con un escudo de oro y una jarra 
de manteca." Domingo de Becerra lived to translate the " Galateo " 
of Giovanni della Casa, Archbishop of Benevento. According to- 
Antonio's " Bibliotheca Hispana Nova " (vol. i. p. 328) the Spanish 
translation first appeared at Venice in 1585. 

2 Haedo, f. 185. M^ndez Silva (f. 80), speaking of Cervantes, 
says : " Fue tal su heroico animo, y singular industria, q si le corre- 
spSdiera la fortuna, entregara al Monarca Felipe 2. la ciudad d& 


patience of Hassan. If Cervantes was such a persistent 
organiser of rebellion, the magnanimity of the Venetian 
renegade is scarcely in keeping with what we know of 
him. Hassan was, indeed, a perfect monster of de- 
pravity and cruelty — a denationalised Venetian Jiving 
among a nest of corsairs was not likely to be hampered 
by inconvenient scruples.-' He was one of those portents, 
like Ezzelino da Eomano, who seem to revel in blood- 
shed and torment from mere wantonness — a man to 
whom human life was of no more value than the life 
of a fly. Italy, as every reader of Mr. Symonds' Age of 
the Despots knows, produced a bounteous crop of such 
wretches, and certainly the necessary softening influ- 
ences were not likely to be found in Algiers. However, 
there can be no doubt about the facts — whether from 
the kindred sympathy of one strong spirit for another, 
from admiration of the invincible intrepidity of his 
prisoner, or from the hope of a large ransom, Cervantes' 
life was spared. We should hesitate to believe all the 
details of this extraordinary story on the unsupported 

Argel." M^ndez Silva appears not to liave known that Cervantes 
was the author of "Don Qaixote." "Writing in 1648, he never 
alludes to the book, and Cervantes is interesting to him solely 
because of his descent from Nuno Alfonso. For the rest, he seems 
to have contented himself with following Haedo. 

1 For a sketch of Hassan's character see Haedo (" Epitome de los 
Eeyes de Argel"), ff. 83-86. For instances of the most appalling 
cruelty among the Turks or Saracens, read the account of Ibrahim- 
ibn- Ahmed, in Michele Amari's " Storia dei Musulmani di Sicilia " 
(Firenze, 1854-1872), vol. ii. pp. 50-61. It would be scarcely 
possible to reproduce in English the details of this very distinguished 
man's atrocities. The murder of his wives, children, and brothers is 
the least of the horrors. 


authority of Cervantes, or on the uncorroborated state- 
ment of Haedo, who probably derived his information 
From the hero of these marvellous adveutures ; but each 
incredible incident is, as we shall see, fully authenticated 
by credible independent witnesses. 

In the summer of 1579, Cervantes had written a 
versified letter of passionate appeal to Mateo Vdzquez 
de Leca Colona, the Spanish Secretary of State. The 
earlier tercets, are filled with a somewhat ungraceful 
flattery of the great man's superhuman worth — "Privado 
humilde, de amhicidn desnudo " — but a little courtier- 
like insincerity may well be pardoned to the prisoner 
pleading for his life. Then follow the inevitable paean 
on Lepanto, an account of his capture on board the 
Sol, and a description of the life in the banos, ending 
with a strenuous supplication to Philip to send his de- 
livering fleet against the head-quarters of the Algerine 
pirates. Nothing came of it; Philip's delivering 
fleet sailed to enslave Portugal, and Vdzquez probably 
threw the appeal on one side and troubled himself 
no more about the humble petitioner and his prayer. 
The letter disappeared till the spring of 1863, when 
it was discovered, together with Lope de Vega's Los 
Benavides, by D. Luis Buitrago y Peribanez, among 
a packet of papers labelled Diversos de Curiosidad, 
in the archives of the Conde de Altamira.^ The 

1 la Mrs. Oliphant's " Cervantes " (Edinburgh, 1880), n. p. 9, 
there is a singular statement : " This letter, it is helieved, never 
reached Philip's eyes at all. A curious story of chicanery, prolonged 
to our own days, is told of it. It was sold to the British Museum 
with a quantity of other papers — ^bought in order to secure it— but 


final quatrain and the preceding twentv-one tercets 
have been re-employed by Cervantes in the first act 
of M Trato de Argel. 

Far away in academic Alcala, the two old people 
did what they could to gather together the amount 
necessary for their son's redemption. But the task 
was beyond their powers. The aged father went 
down to the Court to plead for the captive, if by 
any chance help might come that way. His declara- 
tion is dated March 17, 1578, and few things are 
more pathetically significant of the distressed state 
of the family than the unanimous confirmation by 
the four witnesses, Mateo de Santisteban, Gabriel de 
Castaneda, Antonio Godinez de Monsalve, and Beltran 
del Salto y de Castilla, of the sorrowful statement in 
the sixth plea that the elder Kodrigo de Cervantes 
was a very poor man of excellent family, absolutely 
devoid of means, since he had spent all he possessed 
in ransoming his elder son.^ Doubtless, some careful 

was found not to be among them." Mr. James T. Gibson, in his 
admirable translation of the "Viaje," takes occasion to repeat this 
statement (p. 302) or something very like it. Mrs. Oliphant has, no 
doubt, excellent authority for the story, but she omits to give it j 
and my friend Mr. G. K. Fortescue, of the British Museum, who is 
in a position to know the facts, informs me that he is unable to find 
the slightest record of the transaction, or any confirmation of so 
unlikely a legend. My independent inquiries in the MS. Department 
have been equally unsuccessful. I am, indeed, assured by those most 
likely to know that the entire story is without foundation. 

1 "El dicho Eodrigo de Cervantes es hombre hijodalgo y muy 
pobre, que no tiene bienes ningunos, porque por haber rescatado d otro 
bijo, que ansi mesmo le cautivaron la mesma hora que k dicho su 
hermano, quedo sin bienes algunos." — Navarrete, p. 316 et seq. 


Grovernment official informed him that a note would 
be made of his application, and the guileless, innocent 
Did man went away in happy ignorance of the fact 
that he had been told not to come troubling the 
slumbers of Barnacle in his impertinent officious way. 
Within a year the father . had died, and on the last 
day of July, 1579, the widowed mother of Cervantes 
and her daughter Andrea (married some years previously 
to Nicolas de Ovando) were appealing to the good 
offices of the Redemptorists, an admirable order, the 
members of which devoted themselves to the task 
of freeing the galley-slaves by purchase, or in some 
instances by taking the prisoner's place in the dungeon, 
or at the oar, trusting him to do his utmost to relieve 
them in turn. The two women had collected three, 
hundred ducats, which Father Juan Gil and Antonio 
de la Bella took with them to Algiers. Hassan, as 
we have seen, had paid Dali Maml five hundred 
ducats for his slave, and, according to Haedo, he 
determined to ask double that amount for ransom. 
He flatly refused to accept the paltry three hundred 
■ducats offered by Father Juan Gil, but finally was in- 
duced to abate his demand to some five hundred ducats, 
which sum the Redemptorists raised by loan and by 
a grant from the general fund of the order. The 
term of Hassan's viceroyalty was at an end, and 
Cervantes was already on board the galley which was 
to bear his owner to the Bosporus, when at the last 
moment the ransom money was paid. It was Sep- 
tember 19, 1580, when he stepped on land a free 


man once more, five years, save seven days, since the 
date of his capture on board the Sol. Before he 
returned to Spain, he had one piece of work to do 
in which he displayed something more than his 
ordinary caution and foresight. His old enemy, Juan 
Blanco de Paz, who either was, or assumed to be, an 
officer of the Inquisition, was busily engaged in draw- 
ing up a series of false charges against him, filing 
informations and endeavouring to suborn witnesses.^ 
Gervantes, in his turn, drew up a list of twenty-five 
interrogatories which form a complete history of his 
captivity — the flight to Oran, the expected arrival 
of Viana's frigate, the betrayal by El Dorador, the 
letter to the Governor of Oran, the murder of the 
messenger, and the treachery of the Dominican monk. 
On October 10, 1580, the evidence of eleven of the 
chief prisoners, acquainted with the circumstances of 
Cervantes' captivity, was taken down by the notary 
Pedro de Eibera in the presence of Father Juan Gil, 
and the proceedings ended on October 22 with the 

1 Diego Castellano's testimony is clear : "Juan Blanco de Paz fue 
k rogar al capitan sardo Domingo Lopino, cautivo alii 4 la sazon con 
muchas mandas de ruegos y subornos, y promesas de darle 6 hacerle 
dar libertad, y diez doblas, que ante todas cosas, le di6 para sus 
necesidades, y mas le dijo, que no tuviese pena por verse pobre, que el 
le proveeria de lo necesario, y que si el sabia quien le emprestase 
dineros que los buscase, que el saldria por fiador " (Navarrete, p. 332^ 
et seq.). Sosa says: "Juan Blanco usando todavia de oficio de 
comisario de santo oficio, babia tornado mucbas informaciones contra, 
mucbas personas, y particularmente contra los que tenia por 
enemigos, y como contra el dicbo Miguel de Cervantes, con el cual 
tenia enemistad " (ibid, p, 347). 


ividence of Sosa, whose deposition was taken in 

So closes tbe story of tlie captivity. The long years 
)f waiting were ended at last ; the oft-deferred hopes 
vere realised. Hassan was speeding to Constantinople 
:o render an account of his stewardship, while the 
nanumitted slave, after so many years of expectant 
.onging, of vehement struggle and silent renunciation, 
wsLS turning his face towards the little western town 
of his boyhood, the Mecca of his visions, where his 
ividowed mother lived. He had not lacked gall to 
nake oppression bitter ; but the sternest fates and the 
:iardest taskmasters were powerless to sour that fine 
lature or to deaden that buoyant, sympathetic tem- 
Derament. The dungeon and the imminence of torture, 
he suspicion of half-hearted friends, and the malignant 
baseness of the vilest enemy, left him still the same 
)pen, generous spirit. To say that when he left his 
lome of servitude he was in every respect the same 

1 The witnesses were (1) Alonso Aragones, of C6rdoba; (2) Diego 
Jastellano, of Toledo; (3) Eodrigo de Chaves, of Badajoz; (4) 
lernando de Vega, of C^diz ; (5) Juan de Valcdzar, of Mdlaga; 
6) Domingo Lopino, of Sardinia; (7) Fernando de Vega, of Toledo; 
8) CrisWbal de Villaldn, of Valbuena; (9) Diego de Benavides, of 
$aeza; (10) Luis de Pedrosa, of Osuna ; and (11) Fray Feliciano 
Jnrlquez, of Tapes. 

Sosa's evidence, as he himself says, was taken separately "por 
ausa di mi continuo y estrecho encerramiento en que mi patron me 
lene en cadenas." 

Fray Juan Gil and his fellow-worker. Fray Jorge de Olivar, are 
atroduced in the fourth act of the Trato de Argel : 
"Un fraile trinitario cristianlsimo 
Amigo de hacer bien y conocido," etc., etc. 


man as when he entered it, would be to say that he- 
was deaf to the voice of wisdom and blind to the- 
disillusioning teaching of experience. He had had 
borne in on him " the sense that every struggle briiags 
defeat," and had realised the width and depth of the 
vast abyss which yawns between the easy project and 
the painful, nebulous, far-off achievement. Something 
of the invincible confidence, the early ardour, the un- 
questioning trustfulness of youth had passed with th& 
passing years and melted into the gray, sombre ether 
of the past ; but nothing misanthropic mingled with 
his splendid scorn, his magnificent disdain for th& 
base and the ignoble ; nothing of the cruel, fierce in- 
dignation of Swift gleamed from those quiet, searching 
eyes, which watched the absurdities of his fellow-men 
with a humorous, whimsical, indulgent smile. In the 
squalid prison life his strenuous courage, his iron 
constancy and self-sacrificing devotion had drawn every 
heart towards him with one exception — that of the 
scandalous, shameless friar, Blanco de Paz. But Blanco 
had his reward — his eternity of infamy. Cervantes 
also, as he himself says, did many things which will 
be for ever unforgotten. In his thirty-fourth year he 
sailed for Spain, after an exile of nearly eleven years. 

Hoc est quod unum est pro laboribus tantis. 



Subjoined is Haedo's narrative of the captivity of Cervantes 
("Topographia 6 Historia General de Argel," ff. 184-185). With the 
exception that the long " s " is not reprinted, the passage is reproduced 
here as it stands in the original. It would have been easy to condense 
it, to modernise its form, and to correct some obvious typographical 
and other blunders. But the legitimacy of such a process appeared 
so doubtful, and the difificulties of deciding how far it might go 
so considerable, that even the retention of such monstrosities as 
"nutor" and "rambien" seemed less open to objection. The extract 
may be taken as a fair example of Haedo's somnolent, slipshod style, 
and the four forms of "Ceruates," "Cerbates," " Ceruantes," and 
" de Ceruantes,'' testify to the careful manner in which he, in 
common with most contemporary writers, corrected for the press. 
One of the strangest things in literary history is that Morgan, in his 
"History of Algiers" (London, 1727), has incorporated the whole 
passage without any apparent idea that it refers to the author of " Don 
Quixote." His remark, already quoted, is (p. 566): "It is Pity, 
methinks, that Haedo is here so succint in what regards this enter- 
prising Captive." This is quite equal to M^ndez Silva's performance. 

" En el mismo ano mil y quinietos setenta y siete a los primeros 
dias de Setiembre ciertos Christianos cautiuos, que en Argel entonces 
se hallauan todos hombres principales, y muchos dellos Caualleros 
Espanoles, y tres Mallorquines, que seria por todos quinze, con- 
certaron como de Mallorca viniesse vn bergantin, o fregata, y los 
embarcasse vna noche, y Ueuasse a Mallorca, o a Espana. Este 
concierto hizieron con vn Christiano Mallorquin, q entonces de Argel 
yua rescatado; que se dezia Viana, hombre platico en la mar, y 
costa de Berberia, el qual qual en pocos dias se obligo a venir; 
partido el "Viana de Argel con este intento y proposito, a este tiempo 
casi todos los quinze Christianos estauan recogidos en vna cueua que 
estaua hecha, y muy secreta en el jardin del Alcayde Asan renegado 
Griego, que estk hazia Leuante como tres millas de Argel, y no 
muy lexos de la mar, porque era lugar muy comodo, y a proposito 
de su intento, para mejor, y mas seguramente estar escondidos, y 

F 2 


poderse embarcar. Solos dos Christianos lo' sabian, vno de los quales 
era el jardinero del jardin, que biziera mucbos antes la cueua : el qual 
estaua siepre en vela mirando si alguno venia : y el otro era vno 
(combidado tambie par yr en el bergantin) que naciera, y se criara en 
la villa de Melilla, vn lugar q esta en la costa de Berberia, sujeto al 
Eey de Espaiia, en el Eeyno de Tremecen dozietas millas mas allende 
de Ora hazia Poniente, y cieto antes de Uegar a Velez, y al Penon, el 
qual auiendo renegade, siendo mo^o, despues boluio a ser Christiano, 
y aora la segunda vez aula cautiuado, el qual por sobre nombre se 
dezia el Dorador: y este particularm en te 'tenia cuydado (de dineros q 
le dauan) cotnprar todo lo necessario, para los que en la cueua estauan, 
y de lleuarlo al jardin desimulada, y ocultamente. Por otra parte el 
Viana Mallorquin, llegado que fue a Mallorca, en pocos dias come 
bombre diligente, y de su palabra, lluego que lleg6 (segun yo lo supe 
despues de tres Gbristianos q entonces con el vinieron) comengo jutar 
otros companeros marineros, hombres platicos, y muy en breue, co el 
fauor del senor Virey de Mallorca (para quie auia lleuado cartas de 
aquelios Gbristianos y Caualleros) en pocos dias puso a punto el ber- 
gantin : y como tenia concertado a los vltimos de Setiembre salio de 
Mallorca, y tom6 su camino para, Argel, do llego a los veynte y ocbo 
del misnio mes. Y conforme a como estaua acordado : y siendo media 
noche, se acosto a tierra en aquella parte de la cueua y Gbristianos 
estaua (que el antes que partiesse auia muy bien visto) con intecion 
de saltar en tierra, y auisar los Gbristianos que era llegado, para que 
viniessen a embarcarse. Pero fue la desuentura, que al mismo punto 
y momento q la fragata, o bergantin, ponia la proa en tierra, acertaron 
a passar ciertos Moros por alii, que quanto bazia obscuro diuisaron 
la barca, y los Gbristianos a ellos : y comenfaron luego los Moros 
dar vozes, y apelidar a otros, diziendo, Gbristianos, Gbristianos, barca, 
barca, como los del vaxel vieron y oyeron esto, por no ser des- 
cubiertos, fueron forgados bazerse luego a la mar, y boluerse por 
aquella vez, sin bazer algun efeto. Gon todo los Gbristianos que 
estauan en la cueua, aunque passados algunos dias, veyan que tardaua 
el bergantin, ni sabian como auia llegado y se tornara : tenia muy 
gran confian9a, que el, Senor Dies los auia de remediar, y que Viana 
eomo bombre de bien, no faltaria de su palabra : y por tanto alii 
do estauan en la cueua (que era muy bumida y obscura : de la qual 
todo el dia no salian, y por tanto ya estauan enfermos algunos 


dellos) se consolauan con la esperan9a de salir con su intento, quando 
el demonio enemigo de los hombres, cegando al Dorador (que dizimos 
les lleuaua de comer) hizo en el q se boluiesse otra vez More, negando 
la segunda.vez la Fh de nuestro Senor lesu Christo : y por tanto 
pareciondole a el ganaria mucho co el Key, y con los Turoos, y par- 
ticularmente con los amos y patrones, de los q en la cueua estauan 
escondidos el dia de san Geronymo ; q son treynta de Setiebre, 
se fue al Eey Asan renegado Veneciano, diziendole que el desseaua 
ser Moro, y que su Alteza lo diesse para ello licenoia : dixo mas ; 
que para hazerle algun seruicio, le descubria como en tal parte, 
y en tal cueua estaua quinze Christianos escondidos, que esperauan 
vna barca de Mallorca. Holgose el Eey, y le agradecio mucbo esta 
nueua que le daua, porque como era en gran manera tirano, bizo 
cuenta de tomarlos todos por perdidos para si, contra toda razon, 
y costumbre, y ansi no podiendo mas de mora en esto, mand6 al 
memento q llamassen su guardian Baxi (el que tenia guardia de sus 
Christianos esclauos de guardarlos) y le dixo que llamasse otros 
Moros y Turcos, y lleuado aquel Christiano (que se queria hazer 
Moro) por guia que se fuesse al jardin del Alcayde Asan, y que 
hallaria alii quinze Christianos ascondidos en vna cueua : y que todos 
se los truxesse a buen recaudo : juntamente con el jardinero al punto 
hizo el guardian Baxi, lo que el Eey le mand6, y lleuando consigo, 
hasta ocho o diez Turcos a cauallo, y otros 24 a pie y los mas con sus 
escopetas y alfanjes, y algunas con langas : fueron con tan buena 
guia (como otros ludas yua delante) al jardin : y prediedo luego 
al jardinero f uerose a la cueua, q el f also ludas les mostro, y haziedo 
salir della los Christianos los prendiero luego a todos, y particular- 
mete maniataro a Miguel Ceruates vn hidalgo principal de Alcala de 
Hen ares q fuera el autor deste negocio y era por tato mas culpado, porq 
ansi lo mado el Eey, a quie los presentaio luego. Holgose mucho el 
Eey, de ver como los auia traydo : y madando por entoces lleuarlos a 
su bafio, y tener alii en buena guardia (tomandolos, y teniendolos ya 
por sus esclauos) retuuo solamete en casa, a Miguel Cerbates, del qual 
por muchas pregutas q le hizo, y c6 muchas y terribles amenazas, no 
pudo jamas saber quie era deste negocio sabedor, y autor porq pre- 
sumia el Key, que el reueredo George Oliuar, de la Orden de la Merced, 
Comendador de Valencia (que entonces alii estaua por redentor de la 
Corona de Aragon) ordenara esta : y aun se tenia por cierto que el 


mismo Dorador ludas, se lo auia dicho, y persuadido, y por tanto como 
codicioso tyrano, con esta ocasion desseaua ecHar mano del mismo 
padre para sacar del buena cantidad de dineros, y como con todas sus 
amenazas, nunca otra cosa pudiesse sacar de Miguel Ceruantes, sino 
que el, y no otro fuera el nutor deste negocio (cargandose como 
hombre noble a si solo la culpa) embiole a meter en su bano, 
tomandole rambien por esclauo, aunque despues a el, y ^ otros tres 
o quatro huuo de boluer por fuer9a, a los patrones cuyos eran. El 
Alcayde de Asan luego que en su jardin predieron los Christianos, y 
truxeron al jardinero con ellos, fue de todo auisado a casa del Eey 
requeriale con grande instancia, que hiziesse justicia de todos muy 
aspera : y particularmete que le dexasse a el hazerla a su gusto, 
y contento del jardinero : mostrandose cotra este en estremo furioso, 
y ayrado, y la causa era porq el Key a ymitacion suya castigasse 
a los demas Christianos q auia estado escSdidos en la cueua. Cosa 
marauillossa, q algunos dellos estuuiero encerrados sin ver luz, sino 
de nocbe quando de la cueua salian, mas de siete meses, y algunos 
cinco, y otros menos, sustentadolos Miguel de Ceruantes, co gra 
riesgo de su vida : la qual quatro vezes estuuo a pique de perdella, 
empalado, o enganchado, o abrasado viuo, por cosas que inteto, par 
dar libertad a muchos. Y si a su animo y ndustria, y tra9as, cor- 
respondiera la ventura, oy fuera el dia que Argel fuera de Christianos, 
porque no aspirauan a menos sus intentos : Finalmente el jardinero 
fue ahorcado por un pie, y murio ahogado de la sangre. Era de 
nacion IS'auario, y muy buen Christiano. De las cosas que en aquella 
cueua sucedieron en el discurso de los siete meses que estos Christianos 
estuuieron en ella, y del cautiuerio, y hazanas de Miguel de Ceruantes 
se pudiera hazer vna particular hystoria. Dezia Asan Bax4 Rey 
de Argel ; que como el tuuiesse guardado al estropeado Espanol tenia 
seguros sus Christianos, baxeles, y aun a toda la ciudad : tanto era lo 
que temia las tra9as de Miguel de Ceruantes, y sino le vendieran 
y descubrieran los que en ella le ayudauan, dichoso vuiera su 
cautiuerio, con ser de los peores q en Argel auia, y el remedio q tuuo 
para assegurarse del, fue cSpralle de su amo por 500 escudos en 
q se auia cosertado, y luego le acerrojo, y le tuuo en la carcel ' muchos 
dias, y despues le doblo la parada, y le pidio mil escudos de oro en q 
se rescato, auiedo ayudado en mucho el padre fray Juan Gil, redentor 
que entonces era, por la santissima Trinidad en Argel." 



Soft Lesbian airs from lutes like mine 
But faintly murmur forth thy praise. . . . 


Ora toma a espada, agora a penna. 

Camoens, Son. 192. 

Fu Pan il prime che d' Aicadia venne. 

MoLZA, La Ninfa Tiherina. 

The process of political and social change, except in 
ultra-revolutionary epochs, is as a rule so gradual as 
to be almost imperceptible to the generation which 
undergoes the experience ; yet to the keen eyes of 
Cervantes it must have been clear that the Spain to 
which he had returned was not quite the Spain which 
he and Acquaviva had left ten years ago. The halo of 
the glorious days of the Great Emperor — for, to the 
Spanish imagination, the figure of Charles assumed, and 
still very pardonably assumes, heroic dimensions — which 
had radiated over his immature youth with all the 
magnificence of an iridescent after-glow, heralding the 
night like some seraphic poursuivant, had almost faded 
out of memory. All Spanish life, taking colour from 
tha sombre, reticent, sinister, central figure of the 


monarch, had lost its bright, chameleon hues, had grown 
less mobile, less buoyant, less triumphantly joyous, and 
had become more and more imbued with that stern 
spirit of fanaticism which fell across the brilliant,, 
careless, pagan rapture of the waning Kenaissance like 
a funeral pall. The meridian brightness of the golden 
age was passing, if it had not already passed away ; the 
ominous, crepuscular shadows were slowly creeping up, 
and the spring-tides were already at the turn. The old 
perennial fountains of delight were run dry ; the last, 
pale, ashy embers of the ancient fires were quenched and 
cold : the motor nerves were paralysed with cursed 
hebenon, and the body politic, enervated to immobility, 
lay as though dead. The first outburst of fierce 
enthusiasm and passionate, reckless intoxication was 
well-nigh spent; and the glad flames streaming from 
the torches round the car of victory were replaced by 
the spectral flicker of the tapers round the solemn 
catafalque. " De toute cette belle vie flamboyante 
il ne reste pas m^me de la fumee ; elle s'est envolde. 
De la cendre, rien de plus." It is the note which 
diff"erentiates Hernani from Ruy Bias. " Dans Hernani, 
le soleil de la maison d'Autriche se l^ve ; dans Ruy Bias, 
il se couche." 

The prospect for Cervantes was not promisino-. 
During his captivity in Algiers his old chief and patron, 
Don John, had been appointed to the Viceroyalty of the 
Low Countries. Philip's constant aim was to banish 
Don John from Spain, and, by setting the young hero 
impossible tasks, to keep him so fully occupied as to 


prevent any of his vague dream3 of dominion assuming 
more palpable form. The subjugation of the stubborn 
Flemings served as an appropriate employment. 

On garde les batards pour les pays conquis. 
On les fait vice-rois. C'est k cela qu'ils servent. 

Two years before the date of Cervantes' release, Don 
John had died upon the hill of Bouges, outside Namur, 
his early visions of empire still floating before him 
baffled and unfulfilled. To Cervantes the loss was 
almost irreparable. To have suffered additional rigours 
of imprisonment on account of those damning letters 
commendatory might have been endurable had pro- 
motion followed. But now, his one influential protector 
gone, all hope of military preferment had vanished ; 
and yet, unless he obtained some post at Court, there 
seemed nothing for the ransomed prisoner to do but 
to shoulder his musket and take his place in the ranks 
once more. He probably felt no great vocation for 
Court life ; he was scarcely of the clay of which 
sourtiers are moulded, and, though the possessor of 
a thousand good qualities, even the partiality of a 
biographer must admit that he might not have made an 
ideal Grold-Stick-in-Waiting. The slight experience he 
bad already had of princes was not precisely alluring ; 
md the base law of gilded servitude which enslaved 
Fasso, and against which the author of Pastor Fido 
stormed, was not likely to be one whit less galling to 
IJervantes than it had been in an earlier generation 
;o the brilliant, infamous Aretino. Aretino, however, 


was the terror of monarchs and of courtiers, as we may 
judge from the allusion to him in Orlando Furioso, 
where, probably for the first and last time in his life, we 
find him in the company of tolerably decent people : 

Eeco due Alessandri in quel drapello, 
Dagli Orologi 1' un, 1' altro il Guarino. 

Ecco Mario d' Olvito, ecco il flagello 
De' principi, il divin Pietro Aretino.^ 

But Aretino,^ besides being the scourge of princes, 
was a sort of literary skunk, and could always 
avenge the foulest insult by retaliating in kind. It 
may be easily imagined that the author of the Sonetti 
Lussoriosi was not likely to be squeamish. But more 
respectable men are not blessed (or cursed) with 

1 "Orlando Furioso," Canto Quarantesimosesfco, s. 14. 

^ Aretino's pictures of Court life are of such a character that I 
must crave the reader's pardon for placing them before him. Selection 
in Aretino's case is more than ordinarily difficult ; but I will content 
myself with two citations. The first is from the first act of the 
Cortigiana (Venezia, 1535): "La principal cosa il Cortigiano vuol 
saper bestemmiare, vuole esser giuocatore, invidioso, puttaniere, 
heretico, adulators, maldicente, sconoscente, ignorante, asino vuol 
saper frappare, far la nimpha & essere agente e patiente." This 
speech of Maestro Andrea to Messer Maco may be coupled with the 
•utterance of Pietro Picardo in the " Eagionamento nel quale M. 
Pietro Aietino figura quatro suoi amici che favellano de le Corti de 
Mondo et di Quella del Cielo " (Novara, 1538) : "La Corte, Messeri 
miei, h Spedale de le speranze, sepoltura de le vite, baila de gli 
odij, razza de 1' invidie, mantice de 1' ambitioni, mercato de le men- 
zogne, serraglio de i sospetti, carcere de le concordie, Scola de le 
fraudi, Patria de 1' adulatione, Paradiso dei vitij, Inferno de la virtii, 
Purgatorio de la bonta, e Limbo de le allegrezze." 

Guarini's Pastor Fido is only one degree less severe. But there 
can be no difference of opinion as to his comparative decency, 


milar secretions ; and Cervantes, under corresponding 
rcumstances, would have retired from the hallowed 
■ecincts with the calm, haughty humility which charac- 
rises all those higher spirits who disdain the petty 
ruggles for sovereignty in a Delia Cruscan Inferno, 
eflection must soon have made it painfully clear to him 
lat, even if it were prudent to recall his ill-omened 
ime to the unforgetting memory of the vindictive 
hilip, no obtainable position at Court would suit his 
jhement, outspoken temperament, even were he 
rtunate enough to have the refusal of one. No other 
•urse occurred to him, or seemed possible, save a 
turn to the old-time camp life in the files of Figueroa's 
beban legion. 
Cervantes, as we have seen in the foregoing chapter, 

illarmine's view notwithstanding. I quote from the speech of 
:rino to Uianio (Act V. sc. i.) : 

" L' ingannare, ilmentir, la frode, il furto, 

E la rapina di pietk vestita ; 

Crescer col danno e precipizio altrui, 

E far a se dell' altrui biasimo onore, 

Son le virtu di quella gente infida. 

'San merto, non valor, no riverenza, 

'Eh d' etk n^ di grado nh di legge ; 

Non freno di vergogna, non rispetto 

Ne d' amor nfe di sangue ; non memoria 

Di ricevuto ben," etc. 
I may be permitted to remind the reader of the fact that Aretino's 
rtigiana is merely a brutal parody of Baltassare Castiglione's 11 
rtigiano. Boscan's translation of Castiglione's masterpiece was 
thusiastically praised by Garcilaso de la Vega, and probably 
)se few belated readers who are acquainted with II Cortigiano 
il agree with Johnson in thinking it "the best book that ever 
s written upon good breeding." 


had written from his hopeless prison-cell in Algiers a 
passionate, despairing appeal for help to Mateo Vdzquezr 
de Leca Colona, praying that the Spanish fleet might 
be sent against the lair of the Barbary corsairs. It is 
not probable that the supple Secretary of State thought 
it necessary, to trouble his august master with this 
modest prayer ; and assuredly, had the taciturn, brooding 
monarch been aware of its existence, the high-flying 
petition of an obscure prisoner would never have turned 
his persistent, Sphinx-like gaze from his careful, well- 
pondered designs. His eyes, then as always fixed on 
far-off goals, were directed not to Algiers but to Portugal. 
The disastrous rout and death of the young Dom 
Sebastian upon the fatal field of Al-kasr al-Kebir, in 
August, 1578, had thrown the whole Lusitanian kingdom 
into confusion. The crash of the catastrophe resounded 
throughout Europe, and a century later the last re- 
verberations of its echoes had not altogether died away. 
History, stern, impartial, and brutally unmindful of our 
picturesque prejudices, has done something to dissipate 
the charmed, romantic mist which once enshrouded the 
central figure of Dom Sebastian ; but the tragedies of 
Peele and Dryden will always keep his memory green 
in the minds of all students of English literature.'' 

And even among the thickest of his lords, 
The noble king of Portugal we found. 
Wrapt in his colours coldly on the earth 
And done to death with many a mortal wound. 

1 Though the authorship of The Battle of Alcazar (1594) is 
questioned by many competent critics, I have followed Mr. Dyce in 


The entire fabric of Portuguese politics was shaken 
its last foundations, and not even the most discerning 

political meteorologists could pretend to forecast 
e future. But Philip, always provident, had his own 
ms, his own views of reasonable probabilities, and was 
flexibly determined to be prepared for any fate. A 
ductive phantom of peninsular sovereignty hovered 
ifore him, and his earliest lessons in statecraft had 
ught him that the consummation- of political visions is 
;ver hindered by the material support of a powerful 
mament. The aged Cardinal Henrique had succeeded 
I the gloomy inheritance of Sebastian's throne, and after 
brief and troubled reign had died in January, 1580. 

Instantly there were six Richmonds in the field. 

mongst other pretenders the succession was disputed 

f Catherine, Duchess of Braganza ; by Philiberfc 

mmanuel, Duke of Savoy ; by Eanuccio, Duke of 

arma ; by Pope Gregory the Thirteenth ; by Antonio, 

tributing it conjecturally to George Peele. Mr. Saintsbury, the 
ost recent critic of the literary history of the period, assumes Peele 

he the author, apparently without any hesitation (" A History of 
[izabethan Literature," p. 71). 

Don Sebastian (1690) ranks above all Dryden's plays with the 
)ssible exception of Love for Love. Johnson's declaration that it 

"not without sallies of frantic dignity and more noise than 
eaning, yet, as it makes approaches to the possibilities of real life, 
id. has some sentiments which leave a strong impression, it eon- 
lued long to attract attention," is among the curious infelicities of 
iticism. To those who class the scene between Sebastian and 
orax among the most powerful in dramatic literature, Johnson's 
ipreciation must always seem painfully inadequate. 

The history of the Portuguese impostors who impersonated Dom 
ibastian after Al-kasr al-Kebir is well told in M. Miguel d'Antas' 
Les Faux Sebastien " (Paris, 1865). 


Prior of Crato, the natural son of Luiz, Duke of Beja ; 
and, lastly, by Philip of Spain, The validity of the 
Pope's claim is not perhaps immediately obvious to 
the mind of the constitutional lawyer. But in any 
case it was brusquely set aside (probably because 
there was no material force behind it), and the other 
claimants retired one by one, leaving the disputed 
prize to be contested by the King of Spain and by 
Antonio, the somewhat unworthy representative of the 
national cause. This -conjuncture of aflfairs had long 
been foreseen by Philip, and the fleet, which Cervantes 
had modestly begged might be sent to rescue him 
and his fellow-prisoners in Algiers, was despatched to 
blockade Lisbon under the command of the celebrated 
Santa Cruz. There was a moment of hesitation before 
the Generalissimo of the land forces was appointed. 
There could be no doubt that the Duke of Alva was 
the first soldier in Spain, if not in Europe. Whatever 
opinion may prevail as to his policy in the Netherlands, 
there can be no question as to his consummate capacity 
as a commander. But he had never enjoyed the 
complete confidence of Philip, who, for personal reasons, 
had leaned rather to the policy of Euy Gomez, the 
complaisant husband of the Princess of Eboli; and 
soon after his return from the Low Countries, where 
he had incurred unexampled obloquy in his master's 
cause, an opportunity was easily found for visiting Alva 
with a vicarious chastisement.-^ 

1 The story of Alva's disgrace may be followed in vols, vii., viii., 
and 1. of the "Colecci6n de documentos in^ditos para la historia 


The story throws so curious a light upon the re- 
bions which subsisted between Philip and his trustiest 
rvants as to make it worth while to repeat it in 
me detail. Alva's eldest son, Don Fadrique de- 
Ivarez, Marques de Coria, had, as far back as 1566, 
;come entangled in the meshes of a siren named Dona 
agdalena de GuzmAn, a Maid of Honour to the Queen, 
be affair was bruited abroad owing to an hysterical 
itburst on the part of the ladj', and before long it 
as whispered to the King. Don Fadrique was alleged 
» have promised the Maid of Honour marriage, but it 
ems probable that his offence had not stopped short 

I Espana, por los Senores Marquds de Miraflores, D. Miguel Salv&, 
D. Pedro S4inz de Baranda" (Madrid, 1845-1867). For some few- 
tails I am indebted to the " Historia de Don Fernando Alvarez de 
)ledo (llamado comunmente El Grande) primero del nombre, Duque- 

Alva. Por Don Joseph Vicente de Eustant" (Madrid, 1751). Cp. 
50 P. C. Hooft's " Nederlandsche Historien met aanteekeningen en 
helderingen van de Hoogleeraren M. Siegenbeck," etc. (Amsterdam, 
21-1823), iii. pp. 85-87. It is seldom indeed, as every one who 
s used the " Documentos ineditos " can testify, that D. Miguel Salvd- 
d D. Pedro Sainz de Baranda are caught tripping. In vol. vii.. 

464, Dona Magdalena de Guzman, in an editorial note, is styled 
iama de la Eeina Dona Ana." This seems scarcely possible. Her 
venture with D. Fadrique took place not later than 1566-1567. 
lereas Anne's marriage with Philip was not solemnised till 1570, 
d as late as 1578, Dona Magdalena was still in the Convent of 
^nta Fe. An examination of the dates shows that she must have 
en Maid of Honour to Isabel of Valois. 

For a most able statement of the case on the other side with 
yard to the Princess of Eboli, I must refer the reader to the 
^''ida de la Princesa de i^boli, por Don Gaspar Muro " (Madrid,, 
77). While I am happy to recognise the consummate skill with 
lich D. Gaspar Muro's case is presented, I do not find myself 
le to agree with his conclusions. 


at this point, and, without undue uncharitableness, 

it may be assumed that matters had reached a further 

stage of development. If the case were merely one 

of breach of promise, the punishment was severe. The 

Lovelace of this young romance was interned in the 

fortress of Medina del Campo, and was only released 

on condition of purging his unexampled contempt by 

providing ten lancers at bis own cost and serving 

with them personally at Oran for three years.^ The 

too-fascinating heroine of the adventure was sent to 

Toledo, and was placed in a state of semi-captivity 

in the superb Convent of Santa Fe, from the mirador 

of which she had magnificent opportunities of studying 

the characters who thronged that Plaza de Zocodover 

which is inseparably associated with the memory of 

Guzman de Alfarache. But Dona Magdalena was not 

another Mateo Aleman, — or perhaps she looked down 

on the picaresco novel. What her ofi"ence actually was 

it would have puzzled Philip, with all his tortuous 

ingenuity, to say. 

A dozen years passed by, and it might have been 

imagined that Don Fadrique's brilliant services in 

Flanders would be taken as an expiation of his juvenile 

1 The Eoyal edict releasing Don Fadrique conditionally is dated 
February 11, 1567 ("Documentos," 1. pp. 288-289). Don Fadrique 
does not appear to have reached Oran, for he was still at Murcia 
when a second edict, dated May 7, 1568, was issued, cancelling the 
sentence of the previous year and ordering him to join the army 
under his father's command in Flandets. This command was obeyed 
speedily enough, for a letter of Don Fadrique's, dated August 18, 
1568, and written from Flanders, apparently to his uncle Don Garcia 
Alvarez de Toledo, may be found in the " Documentos," 1. 292-293. 


Sfence. Even Philip, who seldom forgave and never 
)rgot, appears to have inclined to this view, since he 
rote to Alva in Flanders with reference to arranffintr 
aother marriage for Don Fadrique. But this weak, re- 
snting mood soon ceased, and the monarch, dissatisfied, 

may be, with the results of Alva's Viceroyalty, 
jsolved to be rid, once and for ever, of the Duke 
od all his brood. Revenge, in Gibbon's celebrated 
hrase, is profitable ; gratitude is expensive ; and the 
plendour and reputation of the house of Alva were 
y no means to the taste of the jealous despot. In 
ach cases, one excuse is as good as another — especially 
■hen absolute sovereigns deign to use them — and, in 
efault of anything else, the threadbare story of the 
Id liaison was raked up once more. Twelve years 
fter the commission of the fault, Don Fadrique was 
eremptorily ordered to marry Dona Magdalena de 
ruzmdn. That cloistered damsel appears to have 
ept up an almost incessant clamour, and the bom- 
ardment of the King with incoherent letters from 
tie convent cell seems to have been admirably sus- 
lined. In the June of 1578, we find Dona Magdalena 
ressing Philip to enforce the alleged promise made 
y Don Fadrique, and complaining bitterly of her 
rolonged imprisonment. As a preliminary step, the 
nlucky officer was sent to prison, and was treated 
'ith a severity which would have been considered 
nmeasured in Turkey. 

Philip seems to have shown unusual interest in 
le afiair, and his instructions to the Committee 


appointed to investigate it are tigbly characteristic. 

No detail is too minute to escape his observation, and 

his marginal notes are more than ordinarily copious. 

No prosecuting counsel could have scanned a brief 

with a keener, a more sympathetic eye. " The cold 

neutrality of an impartial judge" was thrown aside, 

and all affectation of judicial decorum was neglected. 

Dona Magdalena'a case became his own, and the one 

question with him was how to bend the recalcitrant 

lover to the Eoyal will. The task was not easy. 

Philip's first step was to refer the matter to a carefully 

packed junta, presided over by Antonio Mauricio de 

Pazos y Figueroa, the supple Bishop of Avila. It 

soon struck the Commissioners that the culprit was 

hopelessly stubborn, and on June 25, 1578, we find 

Pazos advising the King to cease threatening, and 

to speak Don Fadrique fair. He further advises that 

the matter be referred to the Archbishop of Toledo 

to adjudicate upon as an ordinary matrimonial suit.^ 

Duplicity seems to reach its high-water mark in this 

episcopal letter, which goes on unblushingly to suggest 

that, as the investigation of matrimonial cases is 

generally prolonged, and as it is desirable that the 

defendant should not be liberated, the King should 

inform Don 'Fadrique that he is imprisoned not on 

account of Dona Magdalena, but on other grounds 

1 " No veo buen medio que se pueda dar interviniendo la autoridad 
de V. M., aunque sea por palabras blandas, que no se entienda haber 
fuerza 6 d, lo menos temor y reverencia de Key y Senor, que es 
cuasi tanto como fuerza expresa, en especial tiniendo preso k D. 
Fadrique como lo esU." — Documentos, vii. 472. 


which appear just. In this way, adds Pazos^ he and 
his family may be induced not to drag out the case. 
Even after the lapse of three hundred years, it is 
not easy to read the Bishop's letter without a sense 
of shame.^ 

It argues some relaxation of Philip's customary, 
vigilant prudence that he should have entered into 
a contest with the Duke of Alva on a point which 
touched the family pride to the quick. Don Fadrique's 
position was very much that of Don Salluste de Bazan : 

Oui, pour une amourette 
— Chose k mon age, sotte et folle, j'en convien ! — 
Avec Tine suivante, une fiUe de rien ! . . . 
'Ordre de I'epouser. Je refuse. On m'exile. 
On m'exile ! Et vingt ans d'un labeur diflS.cile, 
Vingt ans d'ambition, de travaux nuit et jour. . . . 

Alva's son remained sternly obstinate. The very 
idea that the heir of the house of Alvarez could ally 
himself with a Maid of Honour of damaged reputation 
awakened inextinguishable laughter in the minds of 
those who knew the unbending pride of the famous 
general. A family deputation waited on Philip to 
set before him with all possible plainness the extreme 
unreasonableness of his ordinance.^ But the entrance 
and address of these self-appointed delegates would 

1 " Y porque los pleifcos matrimoniales suelen ser largos, conviene 
■que D. Tadrique se este en la prision que tiene hasta el fin deste, 
•dandose V. M. 4 entender que no ea por causa del matrimonio sino 
de otras que a V. M. le parescen jnstas, y desta manera proeurarian 
1^1 y sus padres no alongar la causa." — ^Documentos, vii. 473. 

2 Eustant, vol. ii. pp. 252 et seq. 

a 2 


seem to have been characteristically brusque, and the 
scared monarch waxed more wroth than ever, and 
angrily insisted on being obeyed. Alva and his son 
were at least as inflexible as their sovereign, and 
they were determined not to comply with what they 
regarded as a most insolent command. Don Fadrique 
escaped from his prison one dark autumn night, and was 
secretly married to his first cousin. Dona Maria Alvarez 
de Toledo, the daughter of Don Garcia Alvarez de 
Toledo, Marques de Villafranca, formerly Viceroy of 
Naples. On October 20, 1578, Pazos communicated 
the unwelcome intelligence to the King as an un- 
doubted fact, quoting the Duke of Alva as his authority. 
He further reports that he has been visited by Juan 
de Guzmdn, the furious brother of the injured heroine, 
and by Dona Brianda, Magdalena's sister, who had 
previously warned him of the intended secret marriage. 
It is impossible to read Pazos' letter without a hearty 
contempt for the feeble, timorous tool, 

Philip was completely outmanoeuvred for the 
moment ; but the last word was always his, and his last 
word was seldom pleasant. The end was not yet. The 
packed Commission was set to work, and the old Duke, 
who in a written document dated October 2, 1578, had 
given the final proof of incorrigible contumacy by 
authorising his son to marry Dona Maria, was, on the 
recommendation of the Committee, to be exiled to 
Ocana, to Talamanca, or to Uceda. It was soon dis- 
covered that the Duke had some sympathetic friends in 
Ocana, and his generous master accordingly fixed on 


Uceda as an appropriate place of banisliment.^ On January 
10, 1579, the Royal decree of exile was read to Alva by 
Martin de G-aztelu. Albornoz, Alva's secretary, and 
Esteban de Ibarra, a clerk of Don Fadrique's, were both 
laid by the heels in the Court jail, as accessories after the 
fact.^ The plaintive letters of the Bishop of Avila 
become more and more ridiculous as the correspondence 
unfolds itself. The Duke, he complains, is now laid up 
with the gout, and "as it is impossible to prove to any 
one that his foot does not hurt him, we do not know 
what to say in this matter." ^ But even under the 
despotic rule of Philip a man of Alva's distinction could 
not be spirited away without remark. Some bold, bad 
men actually went to the length of getting up petitions 
for the Duke's release ; but this soon came to the Bishop's 
knowledge, and, says Pazos, with a really ludicrous 
fatuity, " I put a stop to this as soon as I knew of 
it." * About this time the health of Dom Henrique, King 
of Portugal, began to fail rapidly, and it seemed possible 

1 Ocafia was not acceptable because, says Pazos, " creo que alH 
hay algunas gentes que le soa aficionadas, 6 sino en Toledo que 
esta muy cerca ; que todo cesa yendo 4 Uceda 6 k Talamanca " 
("Dooumentos," vii. p. 518). 

2 A letter of Gabriel de Zayas to Don Bernardino de Mendoza, 
the Spanish Ambassador in London, dated January 14, 1579, 
announces the imprisonment of these two secondary criminals 
("Documentos," viii. p. 499). 

3 The original is so naif as to be worth reproducing: "como 
no se puede probar i nadie que no le duele un pie no sabemos 
que deeir en esto." 

■* Pazos' letter is dated June 9, 1579 : " Yo lo estorb^ luego que 
lo supe" ("Documentos," viii. p. 508). Agustin Alvarez, one of 


that Alva's services might soon be needed again. The- 
rigour of Don Fadrique's lot was accordingly relaxed. 
He was allowed to move to a healthier house, the 
same guards being retained, and his wife was permitted 
to stay with him for a month or two.-* As every day 
made it more likely that the abilities of the elder 
prisoner would soon be called for, further developments 
took place in the magnanimity of the Bishop. In 
October, Pazos exhorts the King, in a strain that 
borders closely on blasphemy, to exercise his Royal prero- 
gative of pardon.^ Philip, one of the most industrious of 
monarchs — even in a private station he would scarcely 
have been regarded as an idle man — coldly replies that 
he has not time to discuss this matter ; that several 

the organisers of the crime, was severely reprimanded by the Bishop,, 
whose authority to reprimand any one was surely questionable. 
Philip's marginal note is characteristic : " Fue muy muy bien que 
lo estorbdsedes esto." But any outrage on the house of Alvarez 
always received similar commendation. " Fu6 muy bien hecho " is 
a stock phrase of Philip's. 

1 "Por tierctpo limitado de un mes 6 dos" ("Documentos," viii. 
p. 510), is Philip's own phrase. 

2 Pazos writes : " Y en esto los Principes tan grandes como V. M. 
se asemejan 6 deben asemejar i Dios que es sumo misericordioso " 
("Documentos," viii. p. 512). Philip's comment is worth quoting: 
" Hay otras particulares que k mi se me ofreoen de mucha con- 
sideracion y calidad. Y porque no tengo aun la mano para escrebir 
mucho con ella, ni aun el tiempo que seria menester, por ser cosas 
largas y que se habran describir di mi mano, 6 decirse de palabra, lo 
dejare por agora para cuando se pueda hacer lo uno 6 lo otro, que 
creo que entonces se entendera que son de consideracion las cosas que 
se me ofreoen. . . ." The day for the exposition of these weighty 
objections never dawned. Philip's hand was always too tired, 
though he found strength to write on almost every other subject, 
under the sun. 


points occur to him which are worthy of consideration ; 
but that his hand is tired and he cannot enter upon the 
exposition of his ideas now. Accordingly, because 
Philip's hand was tired, Alva remained a prisoner. The 
tone of the whole correspondence throws a curious light 
upon current notions of Eoyal industry and application 
to affairs. 

The death of Dom Henrique brought matters to 
a crisis. There was at first a vague idea that Philip 
himself might command the Army of Portugal ; but 
probably he was not anxious to conduct a campaign in 
person, and it is certain that the Spanish troops openly 
expressed their deep dissatisfaction at losing the services 
of the old chief who had always led them to victory, and 
whose very name was worth ten thousand men. Pazps 
in one of his absurd letters tells the King of the 
prevalent discontent in terms of unusual frankness, and 
proceeds apologetically to urge the speedy release 
of Alva ;^ but Philip was not easily to be moved, and 
snubbed the Bishop severely by replying to his 
representations that Alva's release depended upon the 
course of events in Portugal. The swift march of affairs 
proved too strong for the sullen, resentful King, and it 

1 " Bien sate y ve el consejo el justo desdeno que V. M. tiene 
del Duque, y con mucho razon esta en donde se le ha mandado. . . . 
Vemos el grande deseontento que entre todos los soldados hay de 
no entender quel Duque haya de ir por cabeza 6 lugar tiniente, 
y con cuan mayores 6 alegres animos iran sabiendo que V. M. se sirve 
del" (" Documentos," viii. 518). The sycophantic Pazos has just 
previously warned Philip against the " riesgo y peligro," the " trabajo 
y • cansanoio," and "the " malos alojamientos," which kings meet in 
-vp^ar — " de los cuales se siguen indisposiciones que causan la muerte." 


became evident that Alva's release could no longer be 
delayed. Ungracious to the last, Philip ordered that 
Albornoz should not be discharged, but should be 
admitted to bail on a surety of ten thousand ducats,^ 
while Ibarra, if the Duke specifically demanded his 
release, was to be let out on some unspecified bail, on 
the express condition that he did not rejoin Don 
Fadrique — a superfluous stipulation, one might have 
thought, as Don Fadrique was still in custody. Later 
still, the shameless Pazos, in a singularly heartless letter, 
formulated a scruple.^ Married people, he says with 
inimitable gravity, should not live apart, and Don 
Fadrique and Dona Maria are obviously hopelessly 
married. It seems to have occurred to Pazos that 
eighteen months was a long period of gestation for a 
scruple, for he continues with edifying solemnity that it 
was quite proper that Dona Maria should sufi"er a little 
on account of the misdeeds of her husband and father- 
in-law. As a peculiarly cogent argument, Pazos lays it 
before Philip that Don Fadrique is so completely wrecked 
in health and fortune that he is not likely to congratu- 
late himself on the matter.^ The vindictive King 

1 " Documentos," vol. viii. pp. 623-524. Philip's dislike of 
Albornoz breaks out in his remark : " Yo no se si hace al Duque mas 
dano que provecbo su companfa, y temo que fue el consejero de la 
cedula que el Duque did d su hijo para que se casase." 

2 " Yd formo escrTipulo de que esten apartados el uno del otro & 
no hagan vida maridable . . . parecio era cosa conveniente dejarle 
sentir el yerros de sus suegro y marido."^ — Documentos, vol. viii. p. 527. 

3 " Documentos," pp. 528, 529. Don Fadrique was to be par- 
doned " cuanto mas que el est4 tan bien castigado e tan gastado 
de salud y hacienda que no se iri alabando del negocio." 

Some tender souls have tried to follow out the fate of Tilburina's 


accepted the proposal of the Commission that Don 
Fadrique might be sent to Alba, but their recommen- 
dation that he should be allowed a circuit of two or four 
leagues was sternly cut down, and Don Fadrique was 
limited to one league. So ends a story of truly Koyal 
magnanimity. The King's necessity was overpowering ; 
and thus out of the plenitude of the monarch's bounty, 
Alva's iniquities were pardoned. 

The war-worn veteran was in his seventy-second 
year, and his health, undermined by fifty years of battle, 
was by no means strong ; but the clash of arms thrilled 
through his blood like a trumpet-call, and his active, 
inextinguishable spirit gladly hailed the opportunity of 
escaping from the listless exile to which he had been 
•condemned by a grateful moralist whose morality was 
on a level with his gratitude. The snows of seventy 
winters had not yet quenched the volcanic fires beneath, 
and Alva at once assumed the command of the mobilised 
troops. The iron-handed warrior had not forgotten 
his old cunning during his retirement; and the remorse- 
less vigour which had displayed itself at Mtihlberg, 
and again, at the battle of Jemmingen, had disposed of 
seven thousand FlemiDgs, with a corresponding loss on 
his own side of seven individual Spaniards, was soon to 

oyster crossed in love. For these I may add some details about 
Dona Magdalena. Philip's sincerity may be gauged from the con- 
clusion of the story. Dona Magdalena finally applied to be restored 
to her old position at Court. Philip's brutal reply, conveyed through 
Pazos, was to the effect that she was too old and that she had better 
stay where she was. But she found a tardy consolation. On 
October 4, 1581, she married the Marques del Valle. She seems, 
however, always to have been mal vista by the courtiers. 


be terribly manifest in tbe Portuguese campaign. On 
August 25, 1580, Alva's squadrons met those of tbe- 
bastard Prior at Alcdatara. The defeat of the national 
party was decisive, and the pretensions of Dom Antonio 
at once melted into thin air. Count Louis of Nassau 
swimming for his life across the Ems was not more 
utterly overwhelmed, Alva occupied Lisbon without 
resistance, while the fleet under Santa Cruz overawed 
the inhabitants from the sea. The unwarlike citizens 
submitted with a facile meekness which half justifies 
Byron's bitter sneer at the Lusian slave, the lowest of 
the low. Only in the outlying districts a few 
sputterings of rebellion (for so the manifestations of the 
national spirit were styled in the canting jargon 
of the official, and officious, chroniclers of Spain) 
were heard from time to time,-' But the main- 
spring of the resistance was broken into fragments ; 
and from this period we may date the sixty years of 
Portugal's captivity from which, in the next century, 
she was to be released by the national leaders, JoaO' 

1 The authorities which I have mainly followed in sketching 
the outlines of the campaign are: (1) " Cinco libros'de Antonio 
de Herrera de la Historia de Portugal, y conquista de las Islas 
de los AQores, en los anos de 1582 y 1583" (Madrid, 1591), and 
(2) " Comentario en breve compendio de disciplina militar, en que 
se escriue la Jornada de las islas de los Agores. Por El Licenciado- 
Christoual Mosquera de Figueroa " (Madrid, 1596). 

I have also found much information in that very vivid and lucid 
work, the " Historia de Portugal nos seculos XVII. e XVIII., por 
Luiz Augusto Eebello da Silva" (Lisboa, 1860-1871). The first- 
volume contains a striking account of 'the state of Portugal betweea, 
the death of Sebastian and the death of Henrique. 


Pinto Ribeiro and Pedro Mendonga Furtado, acting 
under the inspiration of Luiza de Guzman, the heroic 
wife of the torpid Joao de Braganza. 

In the Portuguese campaign, Cervantes, as may be 
gathered from his informacion of May 21, 1590, took 
part ; but it is clear that his share in the fighting must 
have been very shght, as the decisive contest of Alcantara 
had been fought and won by the man of destiny while 
Cervantes was still a prisoner in Hassan's dungeon. 
But the struggle was not confined to Portugal ; nor was 
Alcantara the one great battle of the campaign. Far 
ofi' in the Northern Atlantic, away in 

the golden remote wild west where the sea without shore is, 

most of the islands in the little group of the Azores, resist- 
ing the solicitations of Pedro de Castilho and Joao de Bet- 
tencourt Vasconcellos, remained faithful to the fugitive 
Dom Antonio, who, hunted out of Portugal by Alva's 
harquebussiers, had found refuge in Terceira, where he 
was solemnly crowned.^ Terceira became the central 
stronghold of opposition and, under the able leadership 
of the local governor, Cypriano de Figueiredo, an 
undaunted resistance was offered to the Spanish 
pretensions. It was resolved in council at Lisbon 
that so formidable a nucleus of resistance could not be 
disregarded, more especially as the homeward-bound 
Spanish galleons, returning from the Indies, were a 

1 For an account of the rediscovery of this group by Gonzala 
Velhal Cabral, see "The Life of Prince Henry of Portugal, sur- 
named the Navigator, By R. H. Major. London, 1858" (pp. 


tempting prey to the enemy. An expedition against 
the Azores was accordingly organised, and the supreme 
command was entrusted to the Marques de Santa Cruz, 
Don John's Chief of the Staff during the Tunisian 

There was no time to be lost. Every day 
strengthened the ascendency of Dom Antonio, and 
unpleasant rumours were abroad that the adventurous 
Drake, now famous throughout Europe after his return 
on board the Golden Hind — the rechristened Pelican 
— from the spoliation of the Spanish colonies, was 
sailing with a host of buccaneers to make the Azores 
a base of operations with a view to driving Spanish 
merchantmen off the sea. Pedro de Valdez was 
accordingly sent out with a small force to bring the 
islanders to reason ; but his mission was purely 
diplomatic, and he had neither the means nor the 
authority to resort to force.^ Moreover, it was well 
understood that Lope de Figueroa would soon join 
him. The diplomatic embassy was a complete failure. 
Eigueiredo declined to receive Valdez, and refused to 
read his minatory despatches. On St. James's Day, 
July 25, 1581, Captain Diego de Vd.ldez, burning 
with a desire to do something brilliant in honour of 

1 Herrera, f. 152: "Para aguardar alii las flotas de las Indias 
Ocidentales, y encaminarlas k Espafia que tocassen. en la Tercera, por 
escusar el peligro que podia correr ; y se le auia dado comission, para 
de camin.0 persuadir k los naturales que se pusiessen en la obediencia 
del Rey, ofreciendoles oomo antes pardon, y qualquiera partido q 
ellos pidiessen. Pero no lleuaua orden para vsar de la fuer5a quando 
no le quisiessen acetar." 


the national patron saint, and anxious to strike a 
blow before Figueroa's invincibles arrived, persuaded 
his uncle to sanction an attack upon the village of 
San Sebastiao, some six miles to the east of Angra. 
Six hundred men were landed under the joint com- 
mand of Diego de Vdldez and Luis de Bazdn. But 
the supporters of Dom Antonio held their own. 
The formation of the Spanish troops was thrown into 
disorder by a vast herd of bulls goaded against them 
by the islanders, who, following close upon the cattle, 
despatched the broken infantry with their swords. 
The Pyrrhic device appears to have been adopted 
on the suggestion of a wily monk, not learned in 
the bookish theoric, perhaps, but none the less a 
worthy member of the Church Militant. Pedro de 
Vdldez witnessed the catastrophe in impotent despair. 
His marine artillery was silenced, as, in the hand-to- 
hand conflict between the combatants, it could not 
be employed against Figueiredd's troops without equal 
danger to the outnumbered Spaniards ashore. So far 
as it went, the victory was complete. Diego de Valdez 
and Luis de Bazan were killed, and three hundred 
and fifty of their men died with them. The Portuguese 
success was more absolute than Figueiredo had dared 
to hope. The triumph of the Athenians at Cynossema 
was not more unlooked-for. Figueiredo's troops got 
out of hand and disgraced themselves by mutilating 
the Spanish dead and wounded on the field of battle. 

Revenge, at first though sweet, 
Bitter ere long back on itself recoils. 


For these excesses Santa Cruz was to take a terrible 
retribution. On the very day when this encounter took 
place, Lope de Figueroa sailed from Lisbon, and the 
tidings of the ludicrous disaster greeted him as soon as he 
'reached the Azores. The disgusted old martinet speedily 
Tjecame convinced that VAldez . was an impracticable 
with whom all concerted action was impossible, and, 
after a careful reconnaissance of the position, he 
returned to Lisbon in October. ■" 

While Philip continued his preparations, Dom 
Antonio on his side was not idle. With a thoughtful 
foresight worthy of all commendation, he had carried 
away with him from Lisbon the Crown jewels ; and, 
armed with these persuasive arguments, he presented 
himself at Elizabeth's Court and endeavoured to 
interest the English sovereign in his cause. His 
tactics show a shrewd knowledge of Elizabeth's vulner- 
able point. He was not 

Too poor for a bribe and too proud to importune. 

But the Queen's vanity, immeasurable as it was, 
was never so fatuous as to interfere with her policy. 
One by otie the jewels passed from Dom Antonio's 
hands to hers ; but, though profuse promises were 

1 The ruse of employing cattle was brought about " por cosejo 
de vn frayle, que eran los principals en todas las cosas," says 
Herrera bitterly (f. 153. The folio is actually numbered 151, but 
this is an obvious misprint). A spirited account of the engagement 
may be found in his Fourth Book, ff. 152-154 : " . . . se juntaron y 
se vieron estos Capitanes, entre los quales huuo siempre poca con- 
formidad" (Herrera, f. 154). 


not wanting, no material' assistance was forthcoming, 
and the disappointed exile passed on to France, where 
Fortune's finger sounded happier stops. Henry III. 
and Catherine de Medici were not unwilling to pay 
■off old scores, and the proffer of Brazil, in case of 
Dom Antonio's success, may have been an added 
inducement to join his enterprise. A fleet was ac- 
cordingly equipped, and in June, 1582, the joint 
armament sailed from Belle lie under Philippe de 
Strozzi (the friend of Brant6me, and a descendant of 
the famous Florentine), with Brissac and Vimioso as 
lieutenants.-^ Meanwhile, Dom Antonio's confidence in 

1 "La Vie, Mort, et Tombeau, de haut et puissant Seigneur, 
Philippe de Strozzi, etc. Par H. T. S. de Torsay. Paris, 1608." 
This curious tract by Strozzi's old tutor may be found reprinted in 
the " Archives curieuses de Thistoire de Prance (vol. ix. 1" Sdrie)," 
edited by L. Cimber and F. Danjou. Paris, 1835. Pp. 403-460. 

Eebello da SUva speaks of Strozzi's inextinguishable hatred of the 
•Spaniards (iii. pp. 44-45) : " Contando apenas trinta e cinco annos, 
neto d' aquelle austero repubhcano Strozzi, de Ploren9a, que antes de 
«e atravessar com a propria espada, gravdra nas paredes do carcere 
•o sombrio verso : 

' Exoriare aliquis, nostris ex ossihus, ultor,' 
Pilippe bebera com o leite da infancia inextinguivel odio i soberba 
tespanhola.'' Cp. this with Brant6me : "II estimoit fort la nation 
espaignolle et surtout les soldatz, et en faisoit gran cas, et louoit 
fort leurs valleurs et leurs conquestes, et pour ce, prenoit-il plaisir 
•d'avoir afiFaire k eux. II y a eu force Espaignolz qui lui ont voulu 
mal, pensant que ce fust leur ennemy mortel. Ilz se trompoient, car 
11 ne I'estoit point. II aymoit trop leur valeur, leur fagon de faire, et 
surtout leur gloire et leur superbett6 et leur langage; et cent fois 
m'a diet qu'U eust voulu avoir donn^ beaucoup, et sgavoir parler 
espaignol eomme moy " (" (Euvres Completes, etc. Publiees pour la 
Societe de I'Histoire de France par Ludovio Lalanne. Couronnels 
J'rangais," vi. 87-88). 


Figueiredo had been undermined by some of the 
intriguing parasites who encompass pretenders/ and 
in the spring of 1582 that able officer had been 
superseded in the Viceroyalty of Terceira by the 
supple, inefficient, truculent Manuel da Silva, Conde 
de Torres Vedras. Philip's armada, with Lope de 
Figueroa's regiment on board, sailed from Lisbon on 
July 10, 1582; sighted San Miguel on July 21; 
and, on July 26 — Dom Antonio having thoughtfully 
disembarked at Terceira on the previous day — gave 
battle to Sfcrozzi.^ After five hours of furious conflict 
Dom Antonio's partisans were completely routed, 
Strozzi and Vimioso being mortally wounded during 
the engagement. 

The great avenging day had come at last. On 
August 1 Santa Cruz, to the horror of his own officers, 
caused the prisoners to be executed in the market- 
place of Villafranca, in the island of San Miguel. The 
earnest entreaties of his lieutenants were disregarded. 
To their honour be it said, they paid a needful tribute 
to humanity by succouring and concealing as many 
of the condemned as was possible. But the orders of 
the chief were carried out ; the place became a shambles. 
The officers were beheaded ; and the rank and file died 
beneath the ignoble hands of a German hangman.^ No 

1 Eebello da Silva, iii. p. 42. 

2 Herrera, ff. 170, 178 : "se fue h la Tercera vn dia. antes de la 

2 Herrera scornfully lays stress on the executioner's nationality — 
"un verdugo Aleman" (f. 177). Before tlie campaign closed, the 
defeat at San Sehastiao, brought about by an anonymous monk, was 


needy Spaniard could be found base enough to under- 
take the disgusting office ; but to certain other races 
gold is always an inducement. It is impossible to 
censure too unsparingly the hideous barbarity of this 
ordinance ; but censure to be effective should be dis- 
criminating. Almost every writer who has touched 
the subject has placed Santa Cruz in the pillory : nor 
can it be denied that his conduct merits the severest 
reprobation. It would be the very ecstasy of irony 
to represent Santa Cruz as an amiable, tender character. 
But it must be remembered that he was a mere 
executive officer, in no way responsible for mandates 
actuated, presumably, by motives of high policy ; and 
to every reader of contemporary records it is abun- 
dantly evident that the Spanish Admiral was acting 
under direct orders from Philip. On Philip the guilt 
must fall ; not all great Neptune's ocean will wash 
this blood clean from his hand. The companion of 
iSir Eoger in the Spectator, when asked to adjudicate 
upon the Saracen's head, thought "that much might 
be said on both sides." This cautious opinion is 
generally true of most points that are not axiomatic ; 
and yet on Philip's side there is little to say. It may, 

avenged on the persons of the clergy : " fueron presos otros culpados 
clerigop, y frayles, que andauan en abito indecentes, con las barbas 
crecidap, que fueron alboratadores publicos," etc. (Mosquera de 
Mgueroa, f. 91). 

Madrid was illuminated in honour of the victory. Cp. Henrique 
Cock's "Mantua Carpentana" (v. 251-253) : 

" Victis in pelago Gallis mersisque suj) undis 
Egregiam incendit portam, cui Carraca nomen." 


however, be pleaded that, though no amount of pro- 
vocation on the part of the Portuguese auxiliaries could, 
according to our present ideas, extenuate the shame- 
of this atrocious edict, it is lamentably certain that 
the mutilation of the Spaniards at San Sebastiao would 
seem to many mediaeval (and, judging from some recent 
instances to which a more particular reference is un- 
necessary, to some modern) minds to justify this resort 
to the lex talionis. 

The saturnalia of carnage ended, Santa Cruz, in 
September, 1582, returned to Lisbon. But Dom 
Antonio, though beaten to the ground, was not anni- 
hilated. On May 17, 1583, a reinforcement of French 
troops, under the Commandeur de Chaste, sailed from' 
Havre to join those shattered battalions of Strozzi 
which had, in the previous year, escaped, the avenging 
sword of Santa Cruz. De Chaste reached Terceira on 
June 11, and Santa Cruz soon followed in his wake. 
The Spanish fleet left Lisbon on June 23, and on 
July 24, under an intensely hot sun, Santa Cruz 
hoisted the signal to come to anchor a few miles to 
the east of Angra, the capital of Terceira. The fierce 
combat of the previous year was not destined to be 
repeated. But to a biographer of Cervantes it is 
interesting to note that in a brilliant skirniish at 
Porto das Moas, about two leagues from Angra,. 
Eodrigo de Cervantes greatly distiiiguished himself. 
Mosquera de Figueroa, the semi-official eulogist of the 
Spanish Admiral, has done his utmost to confer im- 
mortality on Eodrigo by finding a modest place for 


him ia his long, Homeric catalogue of quaternary 
heroes.^ Far off in the dismal north, among the 
grachten and swampy Meiboden of Holland, Eodrigo, 
freed from his Algerine captivity by the fraternal 
magnanimity, had been serving a grateful country 
without any very appreciable personal result. But 
his great opportunity had come at last,- and it is 
pleasant to think that, after a dozen years of hard 
service, the simple soldier had obtained a commensurate 
reward. It is very gratifying to reflect that, before the 
end came, he had entered into possession and dazzled 
the world — as an Ensign. "War, according to Macchia- 
velli's ideas, if we may judge from II Principe, 
should be the only study of a king.^ However 
questionable this worldly-wise advice may appear to 
the moralist, it would be rash to deny that princes 
of most ages have found, in following it, the path to 
an easy, lucrative, and not too perilous career. The 
scoffing sceptic who questions its personal advantages 
as regards the simple man-at-arms, may be speedily 

1 " Llegaro breuemete las barcas a tierra, d5de saltaro los Espanoles 
CO grade esf 116190 entre aqllas lajas a los dos lados de los f uertes : 
algunos ponia el pie seguro en vna piedra, para escaparse d la resaca, 
q era grade : otros q no podia esperar esta coyutara, se abalagua, y 
se sumergia, de suerte q el agua les cubria hasta la cinta, y co la 
resaca qdaua luego esentos para salir. Ech6se al agua animosamete c6 
su vadera, por auer encallado la barca, Fracisco de la Rua alferez de 
do Fracisco de Bouadilla, y tras el el capita Luis de Gueuara, y 
Eodrigo de Ceruates, a quie despues auetajo el Marqs," etc. — Mosquera 
de Figueroa, f. 58. 

2 "Dave adunque nn Principe non avere altro oggetto, n6 altro 
pensiero, nh prendere cosa alcuna per sua arte, fuori della Guerra," 
etc. — II Principe, cap. xiv. 

H 2 


silenced by pointing to the dazzling spoil gathered by- 
cur fortunate Bezonian, Kodrigo de Cervantes. Even 
the most carping critic must admit that the material 
advantages of such a career, though not among its most 
potent attractions to the adventurous youth of a nation 
(honour, doubtless, pricks them on), are irresistible to 
the least sordid mind. " The lower people everywhere 
desire War. Not so unwisely ; there is then a demand 
for lower people — to be shot ! " Teufelsdrdckh's remark 
is more than ever incomprehensible in its "deep, silent, 
slow-burning, inextinguishable Eadicalism." 

The campaign of 1583 was soon over. From Porto 
das Moas the Spanish troops advanced and occupied 
Angra without resistance. Da Silva fled ignominiously, 
and De Chaste, though strongly posted at Guadalupe, 
seeing that success was hopeless, began to treat for a 
surrender. His first proposal — that the French force 
should be allowed to retire with banners flying and all 
the honours of war — was sternly rejected. Santa Cruz' 
word was simple — unconditional surrender. But on 
this occasion his staff proved too strong for him, and, on 
August 3, a compromise was accepted, the French 
capitulatiog and leaving their flags and arms in posses- 
sion of the victors. One blow was followed by another. 
Manuel da Silva was lurking inland while a plan for his 
escape was secretly organising. But there is no armour 
against Fate. A large ransom was ofi"ered, and he was 
soon captured and brought into the Spanish lines. The 
unfortunate man at first strove to put a bold face upon 
matters; he was then tortured, and, according to the 


Spanisli version, " confessed " many remarkable things. 
It is unnecessary to follow in minute detail the last act 
of this miserable tragedy. The captive ex- Viceroy was 
taken from the rack to the scaffold, and execution fol- 
lowed upon execution, some German again acting as the 
squalid minister of death. With these horrible incidents 
the campaign closed ; the sword and the headsman's axe 
had vanquished, and the Azores were at peace a.fter 
three tumultuous years of conflict. Order reigned in 
Angra when in August, Santa Cruz, leaving behind a 
garrison of 2,000 troops under the Spanish Military 
Governor, Juan de Urbina, sailed from the reeking 
slaughter-house for Cadiz, where he disembarked on 
September 15, 1583.' 

1 " Eecit de I'expedition, attaque et conqu§te de I'lle de Tercfere et 
des autres lies Agores . . . et d'autres ev6nements remarquables qui 
se pass^rent en cette conquSte. 1583 " ("Archives de Voyages. Par 
H. Ternaux-Compans," i. pp. 423-445). Also "Eelation de I'ex- 
pedition de la Tercfere, traduite du mannscrit espagnol inedit. Bibl. 
royale. MS. de Colbert inedit " (Ternaux-Compans, ii. pp. 302-305). 
" Eelacion de lo sucedido en la Isla de la Tercera, desde veynte y tres 
de lulio, hasta veynte y siete del mismo mil y quinientos y ochenta y 
tres Anos" (Alcald de Henares, 1583). "Voyage de la Tercere fait 
par M. le Commandeur de Chaste," in the "Eelations de divers 
voyages curieux qui n'ont point est^ publi6es . . . donnees au public 
par les soins de feu M. Melchisedec Thevenof (Paris, 1696), vol. ii. 
Pinkerton has reprinted this narrative. 

The torture of Silva is admitted on all hands (Ternaux-Compans, 
ii. p. 305). Mosquera de Figueroa shuffles, and on f. 106 talks of 
threats — "fue necessario hazerle comminacion " j but on f. 130 he 
says plainly enough : " resulto de la cofesion y declaracio q Manuel 
da Silva Mzo en el tormeto." Herrera is more straightforward (f. 210) : 
" mand6 al Auditor General que vssase de los tormentos.'' Herrera 
insists on the executioner's nationality once more : " degoUado por 
mano de un verdugo Tudesoo " (f. 210). 


At this distance of time it is impossible to say what 
share Cervantes had in this prolonged campaign. That 
he served against the Portuguese is certain ; but 
whether he took part in every battle, including the 
reconnaissance-expedition of Lope de Figueroa and the 
great battle against Strozzi, or whether, as later re- 
searches seem to indicate, he was concerned solely in the 
finkl developments of the campaign, is by no means 
clear. Fernandez de Navarrete inclines, apparently, 
to the former, and D. Eamon Le6n M4inez to the 
latter, opinion. Cervantes, it may be noted, was not 
the only unrevealed miracle serving under Santa Cruz. 
In at least one of the expeditions a musket was 
shouldered by an unknown marvellous boy destined 
before long to reach the topmost pinnacle of contem- 
porary dramatic fame, and to outshine Cervantes and 
all his generation in the struggle for popular applause. 
Lope de Vega, the future Fenix, not yet in his sixteenth 
year, served against the Agorianos at Terceira. Cer- 
vantes returned with Santa Cruz and served in Portugal 
for another twelvemonth.^ The obscurity which over- 
hangs so much of his history still follows him. We 

1 The career of Santa Cruz is so well known that it is needless to 
recapitulate it. A long, unreadable eulogy may be found at the end 
of Mosquera de Figueroa's " Comentario," a volume whieh also 
includes a commemorative sonnet by Cervantes and a poem by 

Lope de Figueroa died as Captain-General of Granada on August 
28, 1585 (Navarrete, p. 300). Cp. also Henrique Cock's " Eelacidn 
del viaje hecho por Felipe II. en 1585 k Zaragoza, Barcelona y 
Valencia," etc. (Madrid, 1876), pp. 171-172. Calderdn introduces 
him in "Amar despues de la Muerte" and in "El Alcalde de Zalamea." 


know that he was sent on some sort of embassy to, 
Mostagau and to Oran ; but whether this took place 
immediately after his captivity, or whether it was 
'deferred until after his return from his campaign in the 
Azores, is one of the many unanswered questions which 
may be asked. The usual conflict of opinion meets us ; 
Fernandez de Navarrete and D. Eam6n Leon Mainez 
■are at odds, and D. Jos6 Maria Asensio agrees with the 
last named in thinking 1580 the more probable date of 
this embassy. But the point is scarcely worth labouring, 
especially as the mission seems to have been of the most 
trivial character. Somewhere about this time Cervantes 
is alleged to have served as tax-gatherer, probably in 

It has been generally asserted that, at this period 
of Cervantes' life, his natural daughter Isabel de 
Saavedra was born ; but it is not easy to perceive the 
grounds for this dogmatic utterance. The only certainty 
in the matter is that he had a natural daughter, who in 
1605 declared herself to be twenty years of age. 
Fernandez de Navarrete, with a mild scepticism unusual 

The First Soldier in the first act of the latter play gives a trenchant 
sketch of the old warrior's character : 

" . . . es cabo desta gente 

Don Lope de Figueroa, 

Que, si tiene fama y loa 

De animoso y de valiente, 

La tiene tambien de ser 

El hombre mas desalmado, 

Jurador y renegade 

Del muhdo, y que sabe hacer 

Justicia del mas amigo, 

Sin fulminar el proceso." 


in his writings, thinks that Dona Isabel understated her 
age — " es tan comun en las mugeres (especialmente en 
las solteras) el aparentar menos edad, 6 decirla al poco 
mas 6 menos"; — but when she was born, whether she 
was or was not born in Lisbon, and whether her 
mother was or was not sprung from some illustrious 
Portuguese house, are points upon which we are doomed 
to remain in ignorance. These are all matters of such 
infinitesimal importance that it might have been 
imagined that little or no interest would be displayed 
in their elucidation. Unfortunately there is a type of 
mind which revels in the discussion of such questions, as 
every one knows who has laboriously toiled through 
the innumerable pamphlets which go to prove that the 
"woman colour'd ill," the "dark lady," "black as hell, 
as dark as night," is Mistress Mary Fitton or some one 
else. It is so much easier to indulge in windy 
speculation as to the personality of the " dark lady " 
or Mr. W. H., tban to have a tolerable acquaintance 
with the " Sonnets," that probably the explanation lies 
close at hand. But when all is written and read we 
are scarcely nearer the truth than we were before. 
These ingenious treatises find th6ir way to the trunk- 
maker and the butterman ; and most of the attempts ta 
throw light upon the personality of Isabel de Saavedra's. 
mother are fortunately destined to make the same 
golden pilgrimage. Nothing whatever is known of 
her ; nothing at this day is likely to be discovered 
about her ; and the whole question might be passed over 
were it not for the curiosos impertinentes, the literary 


ghouls who manifest their interest in high literature by 
leaving Don Quixote unread, and striving to discover 
the name of Cervantes' mistress. Luckily this aesthetic, 
pure-minded devotion is in this instance its own 
reward. So far as Cervantes himself is concerned in 
this matter, his biographer must be content to admit 
that his subject was no saint, but an impetuous man 
of genius with quite as full a share of frailty as though 
he had been a peer. The moral pathologist may be 
left to do his worst with a problem which is as soluble 
as most questions in morbid psychology. The plain 
man may be content to leave the uncovering of this 
incident to the literary Hams of the day, and to turn to 
Cervantes' Galatea. 

It was the noontide of that mediaeval pastoral 
romance of which Jacopo Sannazzaro may be considered 
the creator. He had discovered in Arcadia a new 
continent which differed as widely as possible from our 
gray, work-a-day world — a land of spells and of en- 
chantment where, by the melodious murmur of sapphire 
waves, in magic caverns, or amid banks of fern and 
asphodel, under rustling palm or lisping elms, the 
beauteous-voiced shepherds sang their lays disconsolate 
or fleeted the time carelessly as they did in the golden 
world. Here the songs of Apollo silenced the harsh 
words of Mercury, and from dawn till night life was 
spent in grove and glen that echoed perpetually to 
the charmed sound of lute and canzonet. It is the 
land of perpetual midsummer. The wild rush, the 


multitudinous whirl of the outer life is far away, 
faded beyond remembrance. Man is but a hopeless 
exile from the enchanted streams of Arcady, from 
the region of ivy thickets, the land of Dionysian 
apples and Hesperidean blossoms. The Arcadian 
night is always very still, its intense silence broken 
only by the whisper of the silver rippling of the 
magic mere beyond some hyacinth dell, or by the 
song of the nightingale in some all-fragrant coppice. 
Then with the dawn the shepherds waken, and the 
earliest rays smite these happy Memnons of the sunlit 
vale into pastoral song. So with a background of 
fairy brakes and glades, in an air divinely sweet 
with violet and amaranth, with jasmine and narcissus- 
blooms, the contending foresters live on as in the 
youth of the world, hymning the praises of their 
mistresses and, between their madrigals, telling their 
sad, gracious stories, or, in the intervals, listening to 
the rhythmic music of those perfumed founts of 
Sybaris which ring by Castaly. From beyond the 
moss-covered hillocks there echoes back the refrain of 
the paean of the shepherdesses ; and the notes of viol and 
of rebeck resound across the mead, past the blossoming 
almond-grove, above the long rushing of the filmy 
waterfalls. Far from the midday heat, Ergasto sings 
of Amaranta as Daphnis sang of Nais, or Eosaura 
gives a cinque-cento echo of the half-fierce, half- 
pathetic invocation of Simaetha in the moonlit 
Theocritean idyll. Down the hillside winds a long 
procession of superb beauties shepherding their tender 


flocks. This perfect phalanx moves to the Dorian 

mood of flutes and soft recorders, and at last, when 

the sunset dies, seated by the crystal mountain springs, 

under scented domes of pleasure and of peace, they 

stir the slumberous wood and silent bowers with songs 

of contented calm or indolent desire. So with these 

blameless Hyperboreans life floats on as in a sylvan 

dream. Far away beyond the Pillars of Hercules, 

across the thousand leagues of water, where on the 

shores of another continent the fierce Atlantic bursts 

into its clouds of spume, Columbus had discovered 

a new world. But to this new life only the wilder, 

more daring spirits of the time had access. To the 

Italianised Spaniard Jacopo Sannazzaro belongs the 

■credit of discovering nearer home a more reposeful 

planet where the gentler, more cultured spirits of the 

age could roam amid marvels even more incredible 

than those which greeted the fierce adventurers who, 

by the side of Cortes or Pizarro, cut their paths to 

fame over hecatombs of dead. Sannazzaro could take 

his legions not only to a new, but to an antique, 

world — a world of pleasurable sadness and aromatic 

despondency where passion is exhausted in some 

plaintive sonnet, or where, from the hallowed limbec 

of artificial sentiment, the common grief is distilled in 

some mournful lay. Breathing such an atmosphere, it is 

j)erhaps not all affectation when Luigi Tansillo writes : 

Le lagrime e '1 pensier son quegli amici 
Ciie non mi lascian mai dovunque io vado ; 
E quando piovon piti gli occhj infelici, 
Allor ne le mie pene piti m' aggrado. 


But there is a silver reverse to this golden shield. 
Nothing could be more alien, more untrue to real life 
than these elaborate pictures. Those who wrote and 
those who read alike knew that nothing could be 
more impossible than these politely -mournful foresters 
leading the lives of bereaved demigods, their desires 
quenched, their melancholy immortal. Nothing could 
be more unreal, nothing more remote from nature 
than their highly- wrought courtly simplicity. Com- 
pare with the Grandisonian foresters of Sannazzaro 
the shepherds of Theocritus. Take Elpino and Sincero, 
and place them beside the sunburnt Milon, beside 
Menalcas the flute-player. The former pair are in 
no sense shepherds, though they might have seemed 
so at the Hotel Eambouillet more than a century 
later ; they are ambassadors in retirement ; polished 
diplomatists whiling the hours away with amateur 
music ; or courtly gentlemen, with scarcely more 
liking for green fields than Dr. Johnson, who, having 
been unfortunate in their love affairs in town, have 
gone into the country for a few weeks to get over 
their disappointment. They alternate between fashion- 
able immobility and a carefully measured, though 
somewhat ostentatious, wistfulness. The free, un- 
studied note of natural rapture which rings through 
the Theocritean idylls would seem strangely out of 
place in the mouths of these accomplished courtiers 
all-conscious of the foot-lights and their well-bred 
audience. Everything moves with a smoothness which 
borders on monotony if not inanity ; but the lack of 


incident, the deficiency of .animation and of motive, 
would seem never to have palled on contemporary 
readers. It would have been no taunt to them to 
say that here " old Saturn's reign of sugar-candy " 
had come again. The characteristics summed up in 
that phrase were just those which they admired. 
This studied avoidance, at least in literature, of all 
that savoured of the stir of marts, the strife of camps, 
the overflowing energy of that abundant life which 
found its outlets in privateering and in exploration, 
in the subjugation of strange races under strange 
constellations — this was their idea of a return to nature, 
and the men of the sixteenth century hailed its literary 
embodiment with enthusiasm. 

The note struck by Sannazzaro at Nocera and 
Posilippo was echoed back by the whole world. In 
every land he found a host of followers and disciples 
who wrote for their device upon their unfurled standards, 
— Juventus Mundi. In Portugal the dying fall was 
■caught up in a perfect cadence by Ribeiro in his Menina 
e Mo fa, which, like some of the Vergilian eclogues, — such 
as Formosum Cory don ardebat Alexim and Cuium 
^ecus ? an Melihcei — takes its title from its opening 
words. In France the Bergeries de JuUiette of 
Nicolas de Montreux (published by him under the 
transparent anagram of Ollenix du Mont-Saere) and 
the AstrSe of Honor^ d'Urfd became the rage. The 
heathen mechanism of d'Urf^ seemed to call for an 
antidote in the shape of a more spiritual school of 
pastoralism ; and this dubious sedative was administered 


by Jean-Pierre Camus in Le Cleoreste, in Hellenin^ 
in Calitrope, and in many other interminable novels 
of tbe good Bishop of Bellay, to whom Franciscan monks 
and pastoral romances seemed the source of all evil. 
The more effective weapon of sarcasm was . employed 
with consummate skill by Charles Sorel in his Anti- 
Roman, a work published under the pseudonym of Jean 
de Lalande. If ridicule could have killed a parasitic 
growth pastoralism would have been a dead thing ; but, 
like most of the lower organisms, it possessed invincible 
vitality. Nothing availed to check the growth of a 
mode which, passing from one generation to another, 
through the hands of Mademoiselle de Scudery to those 
of Florian, at last became an absolute pest. Yet we- 
can scarcely regret the development of a mania which 
by way of compensation indirectly produced Les- 
Precieuses Ridicules. In Holland the Arcadia of 
Johan van Heemskerk represents the Batavian aspect of 
Arcady, while in Germany, where the Court poets outdid 
the wildest absurdities of Cathos and Magdelon, the 
Schafferen von der Nimfen Hercinie of Martin Opitz 
and the Adriatische Rosemund of Philip von Zesen (pub- 
lished by him under the fictitious name of Ritterhold von 
Blauen) in their tedious extravagance and shrill falsetto 
sentiment touched the nadir of pastoral achievement.-^ 

1 " Geschichte der Deutschen Litteratur von Wilhelm Sclierer " 
(Berlin, 1883), p. 322 : "Die Niirnberger Dichter griindeten 1644 
ihre Gesellschaft der Pegnitzschafer oder den gekronten Blumenorden 
an der Pegnitz, dassen hervorragendste mitgleider Harzdorfer, KlaJ 
nnd Birken sicli mit besonderem Enthusiasmus in das Scliaferwesen 
■warsen," etc. 


The seed scattered by Sannazzaro's hand fell upon good 
ground in England where the influence of the Italian 
school was already strong. The contributions to Tottel's 
Miscellany of Wyatt and Surrey, the " two chieftaines " 
of the "company of courtly makers," are among the 
earliest manifestations of the working of the Tuscan 
spell ; and Surrey's " raptured line," with Geraldine 
substituted for Laura, reads like a free paraphrase of 
Petrarch. Of Wyatt it may be fairly said that in the- 
celebrated sonnet, 

UnstalDle dream, according to the place, 

he gave the model to all subsequent sonneteers. The- 
author of The Arte of English Poesie is within the 
mark when, referring to Wyatt and Surrey, he says that 
"hauing travailed into Italic, and there tasted the 
sweete and stately measures and stile of the Italian 
Poesie as nouices newly crept out of the schooles of Dante, 
Ariosto and Petrarch, they greatly polished our rude 
and homely maner of vulgar Poesie from that it had 
been before, and for that cause may justly be sayd the 
first reformers of our English metre and stile." -^ From 
the publication of Tottel's Book of Songes and Sonnetes 
(the same, doubtless, which Master Slender preferred to 
forty shillings) the advance of the new current is 
uninterrupted, and gathers force and volume as it flows 
along. Before the close of the century the public 
interest was sufficiently awakened to call forth trans- 

1 Pattenham, "The Arte of English Poesie" (Arber's reprint),^. 
p. 74. 


lations of many of the Italian masterpieces. In an 
earlier generation the attention of Sir Thomas More had 
been occupied by Pico della Mirandola.^ The travels 
of Ser Marco Polo, dedicated by him (in what tongue we 
know not) to Messer Rustichello in the Genoese prison, 
were read in John Frampton's version.^ Castiglione's 
celebrated book was Englished in The Courtyer of 
Thomas Hoby.^ The Trionfi and the De remediis 
utriusque fortuncB of Petrarch were rendered, the first 
by Lord Morley, the second by Thomas Twyne.* 
Guicciardini's Istoria d' Italia was translated by Sir 
Geofirey Fenton, and a version. of Tasso's Aminta was 
included by Abraham Faunce in The Countesse of 
Pembrokes Yuychurch.^ The licentious novelle of 

1 "Here is coteyned the life of Johan Picus Erie of Myiandula a 
grete lorde of Italy an excellent connynge man in all sciences and 
verteous of lyunge. With divers epistles and other werkes of y° 
sayd Johan Picus full of grete science vertue and wysedonie" 
(London, 1510). 

2 "The most noble and famous trauels of Marcus Paulus, one of 
the nobilitie of the state of Venice. . . . Translated into English" 
(London, 1579). The book is dedicated to Edward Dyer, to whom 
the translator, John Frampton, "wisheth prosperous health and 

3 " The Courtyer of Count Baldessar Castiglione Castilio diuided 
into foure books . . . done into English by Thomas Hoby " (London, 

* " The tryumphes of Fraunces Petrarcke translated out of Italian 
into English by H. Parker knyght Lorde Morley" (London [1565?]). 
" Phisicke against Fortune as well prosperous as adverse conteyned 
in two Bookes. . . . Written in Latine by Francis Petrarch, a most 
famous Poet and Oratour. And now first Englished by Thomas 
Twyne " (London, 1579). 

5 '-The Historic of Guicciardin. . . . Keduced into English by 
G. Fenton" (London, 1599). "The Countesse of Pembrokes Yuy-' 


Matteo Bandello (a refugee Italian who, after a life 
of curious experience, was nominated to the sinecure 
bishopric of Agen) were at the height of their popu- 
larity ; and — probably through the French version 
of Pierre Boaistuau — Arthur Broke, in his metrical 
paraphrase of the Tragicall Historye of Romeus and 
lulieit, gave the English reader in 1562 his first 
opportunity of forming an acquaintance with a story 
which was to supply the plot of one of Shakspere's 
masterpieces. In the following years more novelle 
of Bandello, stories from the Decamerone and from 
the collection of Tommaso Guardato, better known as 
Masuccio Salernitano (whose history of the loves of 
Mariotto Mignanelli and Giannoza Saraceni contains the 
germ of the legend of Romeo and Juliet), were given 
in William Painter's Palace of Pleasure, which also 
included selections from the Hecatommithi of Giraldi 
Cinthio.-^ Whitehorne's version of Macchiavelli's Arte 
della Guerra became popular,^ Boccaccio found a 

cturcli. Conteining the afifectionate life and unfortunate death of 
Phillis and Amyntas " (London, 1591). 

1 " The Palace of Pleasure Beautified, adorned and well furnished, 
with Pleasaunt Histories and excellent Nouelles, selected out of 
diners good and commendable Authors. By William Painter Clarke 
of the Ordinaunce and Armorie " (London, 1566). 

" The second Tome of the Palace of Pleasure, conteyning store of 
goodly Histories, Tragicall matters, and other Morall argument, very 
requisite for delighte and profit. Chosen and selected out of diners 
good and commendable Authors. By William Painter, Clerke of the 
Ordinance and Armorie" (London, 1567). 

2 " The Arte of warre, written first in Italia by N. Macchiavell 
and set forth in English by Peter Whitehorne, student in Graies 
Inne " (London, 1560-1562). 


translator of more than average merit in George 
Turberville ;^ and the Suppositi of Ariosto (an 
Italianised amalgam of the Eunuchus and Captivi) 
was brilliantly given by George Gascoigne in his 
Supposes, the earliest prose comedy, it is said, in our 
language.^ The invasion of England by a company of 
Italian actors serves to mark the tide of progress.* 

Some subdued echo of the Italian note may be 
found in an earlier phase of Eoglish letters. Within 
certain well-defined limits it is obvious in Troylus 
and Criseyde and the Knightes Tale, in the Fall of 
Princes and in The Two Married Women and the 

^ " Tragical Tales and other poems translated by Tvrberville in 
time of his troubles out of sundrie Italians " (London, 1587). Ee- 
produced at Edinburgh (for private circulation only) in 1837. 

-^ Svpposes : a Gomedie loritten in the Italian tongue hy Ariosto, 
Englished hy George Oascoyne of Grayes Inne Esquire and there jire- 
sented (London, 1566). Included in " The Posies of George Gas- 
coigne Esquire" (London, 1575). 

3 Cp. Kyd's " Spanish Tragedy" (Act. v.) : 

" The Italian tragedians were so sharp of wit 
That in one hour's meditation 
They would perform anything in action." 
And again, Middleton's " Spanish Gipsy " (Act iv. sc. 2) : 
" Soto. We are promised a very merry tragedy, if all hit right of 
Cobby Nobby. 
Fernando. So, so ; a merry tragedy ! there is a way 

Which the Italians and the Frenchmen use. 
That is, on a word given, or some slight plot, 
The actors will extempore fashion out 
Scenes neat and witty." 

Decidedly, Salvini's earliest predecessors made their impression. 
In France, in a later generation, the success of the Italian actors seems 
to have excited the bitterest professional jealousy. Cp. Grimarest's 
"Vie de Moliere" (Paris, 1877, Malassi's edition), p. 69. 


Widow. But the indebtedness of Chaucer, Lydgate, 
and Dunbar scarcely extends beyond suggestion 
and design. In the Elizabethan development the 
manifold characteristics of the great Italian writers 
are reproduced with extraordinary fidelity and minute- 
ness. Not only the subtler working of their spirit, 
but the very form and method of their song is 
elaborately set forth ; and the whole framework of 
production is interpenetrated with the inspiration of 
their example. The suppleness, the easy grace and 
concentrated melody of the foreign models are mani- 
fest in the metrical innovations of Wyatt and Surrey : 
^nd, in the Induction of Sackville, there is for the 
first time some approach (however slight) to the 
■-sombre impressiveness, the intense vigour, the mourn- 
ful music and sustained dignity of the mighty 

Throughout the Elizabethan period the Italian 
note, its " ingenuity " more and more accentuated, 
proceeds in a continuous crescendo which reaches its 
climax in Lyly's Euphues, "that all-to-be-un- 
paralleled volume" which Sir Piercie Shafton, one of 
Sir Walter Scott's least successful figures, took for 
his manual. The influence of Euphues is noticeably 
strong in The Gountesse of Pemhrokes Arcadia, the 
publication of which, in 1590, marked the definite 
inauguration of the pastoral order in England ; for 
the efforts of Henryson are so indirect and tentative 
as scarcely to entitle them to be classed as serious 
■examples of the style. The Shepherd's Calendar 


had savoured strongly of the foreign stimulus ; but 
in the Arcadia of Sir Philip Sidney the triumph 
of the Italian influence is manifest, palpable, complete. 
Sidney delights in " the prettie tales of Wolves and 
Sheepe," and to him it is always conclusive against 
a given mode that ^ " neyther Theocritus in Greek, 
Virgin in Latine, nor Sanazar in Italian, did affect 
it."^ Bat if this brilliant, post-mediseval "inheritor 
of unfulfilled renown," whose old-time masterpiece 
now lies discrowned and unhonoured, has been taken 
as the typical example of Arcadian romance in England, 
it must not be inferred that he stands alone. The 
diflSculty is to choose among so many ; but the Mena- 
phon of Greene and the Rosalynde and Margarite 
of America of Lodge must be included in any refe- 
rence. They also are lineal descendants of Sannazzaro, 
and every line of their pastoral fictions testifies to 
their intellectual ancestry ; the songs of Menaphon 
are but the echoes of the songs of Uranio, and Doron's 

^ Sidney's "Apologie for Poetrie " (Arber's reprint), p. 43: "Is 
it then the Pastorall Poem which, is misliked ? (for perchance, where 
the hedge is lowest, they will soonest leape ouer). Is the poor pype 
disdained, which sometime out of Melibeus mouth, can shewe the 
misery of people, vnder hards Lords or rauening Souldiours? And 
again, by Titirus, what blessednes is deriued to them that lye 
lowest from the goodnesse of them that sit highest? Sometimes, 
vnder the prettie tales of "Wolves and Sheepe, can include the whole 
considerations of wrong dooing and patience. Sometimes shew, that 
considerations for trifles, can get but a trifling victorie." 

2 Ibid. p. 63. Sidney's quaint curse on his foes is worth 
quoting: "that while you Hue, you Hue in loue, and neuer get 
fauour, for lacking skill of a Sonnet : and when you die, your 
memory die from the earth, for want of an Epitaph " (ibid. p. 72). 


description of Samela to Melicertus is absolutely in 
the Italian manner. Shakspere himself condescended 
to borrow the name of Ophelia from Sannazzaro and 
the name of Mopsa from Sidney ; while Arthur Broke's 
version of Bandello's story is not more obviously the 
basis of Romeo and Juliet than is the Bosalynde of 
Lodge the source of As You Like It. 

The triumph of the innovators was absolute and 
complete ; but it would be a mistake to suppose that the 
followers of " beastly Skeltdn " surrendered without a 
struggle. The somewhat ungrateful proverb — Inglese 
italianato h un diavolo incarnato — was never from 
their mouths. Ascham overflows with denunciations of 
the Englishmen who travelled in Italy and who, " beyng 
Mules and Horses before they went, returned verie 
Swyne and Asses home again." In his eyes nothing 
could be more pestilent than the " fonde books of late 
translated out of Italian into English, sold in euery shop 
in London, commended by honest titles the sooner to 
corrupt good manners." Sir Thomas Malory was bad 
enough ; but even he wrought not " the tenth part so 
much harm as one of these bookes, made in Italic, and 
translated in England." The self-righteousness of the 
hide-bound dominie is amusingly displayed in such 
utterances as : "I was once in Italic my selfe : but I 
thanke God my abode there was but ix. days."^ The 
-success of Greene's pastorals aroused the wrath of Gabriel 
Harvey, a miserable pedant over whose annihilation by 
I^ash subsequent ages have made merry. This writer, 
i Ascham's " Seholemaster " (Arber's reprint), pp. 77, 78-79, 83. 


who longed for the doubtful honour of beicg " epitapbed 
the Inventour of the English hexameter," though 
willing enough to admit that " Petrarck was a delicate 
man," fills the air with his lamentations over the 
contemporary decadence with its " strange fancies " and 
" monstrous newfanglednesse." But every day the tide 
rose higher and higher ; every creek and every channel 
filled, and not all the grisly spectres raised by dismal 
Dons could stem the invading waves. Under cover 
of the general demoralisation even the thrice-accursed 
Spaniard was creeping into the land. Mexia, Guevara, 
Avila, and Santillana found translators in Fortescue, 
Fenton, Wilkinson, and Googe ; but, for the moment, 
the Italian was the enemy. Nothing availed, however, 
against the universal madness, which went its way, 
touching Browne and Drayton on the road, till at last 
pastoralism, growing more and more artificial, became 
the haunt of Pope's Dresden shepherdesses ; and finally 
Thenot, Colinet, and Hobbinol perished from sheer 
degeneracy and inanition in the flaccid hands of 
Ambrose Phillips, the prototype of Namby-Pamby. In 
the last moment of its life, pastoralism, in the Shep- 
herd's Week and in the Gentle Shepherd, offered some 
sincerity of handling, some reminiscence of the free 
Theocritean touch. As Gay himself says, his shep- 
herdesses may be found, not " idly piping on oaten reeds, 
out milking the kine, tying up the sheaves, or, if the 
hogs are astray, driving them to their styes." ^ But it. 

1 The entire Proem to the "Shepherd's "Week" is worth reading: 
"Albeit, nor ignorant I am, what a rout and rabblement of critical 


was too late. Pastoralism was dead beyond revival, 
and no one could recall it from beyond the grave. 
The foreign influences had ceased to work ; what 
was food in them had been absorbed, and Fielding's 
avowed determination in Tom Jones to "hash and 
ragoo " human nature, " with all the high French 
and Italian seasoning of affectation and vice which 
courts and cities afford," reads like a belated echo of 
extinct controversy. 

In Spain the same battle was fought ; the twin poets, 
Juan BoscAn and Garcilaso de la Vega — par ndbile 
fratrum — led the van. Boscdn himself has named 
Andrea Navagiero's as the hand which first led him into 
the perfect way, and, in the preface to his second book, 
he gives an amusing account of the objections with 
which the foreign innovations were received by the Old 
Guard. -^ Crist6bal de Castillejo in many passages — 
but especially in his well-known poem. Contra los que 
dejan los metros Castellanos y siguen los italianos — 
struggled manfully against the flowing tide ; nor was 

gallimawfry hath, been made of late days by certain young men of 
insipid delicacy, concerning, I wist not what, golden age, and other 
outrageous conceits, to which they would confine Pastoral. Whereof, 
I avow, I account nought at all, knoiring no Age so justly to he instiled 
Oolden, as this of our Sovereign Lady [Queen Anne." "This idle 
trumpery (only fit for schools and schoolboys) unto that ancient 
Dorick Shepherd Theocritus, or his mates, was never known; he 
rightly, throughout his fifth Idyll, maketh his Louts give foul 

1 " Otras dezian, que este uerso, no sabian, si era uerso, o si era 
prosa. Otros arguian diziendo, que esto principalmente hauia de ser 
para las mugeres," etc. — Las obras de Boscan y algvnas de Garcilaso 
de la Vega (Salamanca, 1547), f. 28. 


other protest wanting.-' But all in vain ; the current 
ran too strongly. The genius of Garcilaso had secured 
for the new school an impregnable position : and the 
(perhaps unwitting) adoption of the Italian versi 
sciolti by Boscdn in his Leandro testifies to an un- 
discriminating enthusiasna which did not stop short 
of admiring the painfully laboured versification of 
Giovanni Giorgio' Trissino's Italia Liherata. As in 
verse, so in prose ; the Italian victory was complete. 
The pastoral (like the chivalrous) fit reached Spain by 
way of Portugal. As the Portuguese Vasco de Lobeira 
had, in the previous century, introduced Amadis, so did 
the Portuguese Jorge de Montemayor introduce the 
Diana Enamorada. Within a few years of his death, 
Alonso Perez and Gaspar Gil Polo each produced a 
continuation, Gil Polo's version rivalling the original in 
popularity, while it perhaps excelled it in intrinsic 
merit.^ The elixir was working. Jer6nimo de Arbo- 

1 " Bien se pueden castigar 

a cuenta de Anabaptistas, 

pues por ley particular 

se toman a baptizar, 

y se llaman Petrarquistas. 

Han renegado la fe 

de las trobas castellanas, 

y tras las Italianas 

se pierden, diziendo que 

son mas ricas y galanas." 

Las obras de Christoval de Castillejo (Anvers, 1598), p. 111. 

^ Montemayor's "Diana Enamorada" was first published at 

Valencia in 1542. The writer died at Turin, under somewhat 

mysterious circumstances, in 1561. The continuations of Gil Polo 

and Alonso P6rez were both produced in 1564. We have already 


lanche's metrical pastoral, Las Havidas, was published 
at Zaragoza in 1566 : and so frantic was the popular 
gusto that even Antonio de Lo Frasso's Fortuna de 
Amar — a work of such delirious drivel as to cast 
serious doubts on the writer's san-ity^found a multitude 
of readers, Luis Galvez de Montalvo in 1582 took up 
the cadence in his Pastor de F'llida. He protests in 
several passages against the prevailing modes : but 
despite his worse, or better, judgment he follows meekly 
in the foreign paths. 

It seems certain that in the winter of 1583 Cer- 
vantes had retired from the Army of Portugal and 
returned to Spain, taking up his residence, after some 
trifling embassy to Mostagan and Oran, in the little 
town of Esquivias. Genius is always' susceptible, 
especially in early manhood, and Cervantes be- 
came infected with the prevalent mania. In the 
following year his pastoral romance La Galatea pro- 
bably saw the light. Though the volume almost 
defies analysis, the task must be attempted, as it 
seems unlikely that the English reader will turn two 
pages of the only translation accessible to him. The 
first book opens with a song on the banks of the Tagus 
by Elicio, one of the many worshippers at the shrine 
of the beautiful, passionless Galatea. Then follows 
another song, after which Elicio is joined by Erastro, 

seen how Bishop Jean-Pierre Camus produced Christian pastorals in 
France. A similar antidote to the prevailing evil in Spain was 
administered in the " Primera parte de la clara Diana, a lo divino, 
repartida en siete libros. Compuesto por el muy Eeverendo Padre 
fray Bartholome Ponce" (^arago9a, 1599). 


a friendly (because humble) rival in Galatea's affections. 
They interchange confidences, and in alternate verses 
are singing, like Daphnis and Menalcas, the charms 
of their mistress when Erastro is interrupted by the 
entrance of a shepherd in full flight, pursued by another, 
who, overtaking the runaway, stabs him to death under 
the eyes of the two swains. The murderer conjures 
them to leave the corpse unburied, and then betakes 
himself to the neighbouring hills. Disregarding his 
prayer, Galatea's lovers go homewards, and, later, 
Elicio sallies forth to sing in the moonlit groves when 
he hears the voice of the assassin — whose name, ejacu- 
lated by the last breath of the murdered man, he 
knows to be Lisandro — uttering a midnight plaint in 
which the names of Leonida and Carino mingle. Elicio- 
waits till Lisandro's song is over and then presents 
himself to the unhappy wight, and asks him to tell 
his story. This, accordingly, Lisandro does ; and, 
beneath the blue, he recounts with pastoral minuteness 
the history of his star-crossed love for Leonida, once 
the glory of the Guadalquivir. To help him in his 
suit, complicated by an old family feud, he had, some 
six months earlier, sought the aid of Silvia, the beloved 
of Le6nida's brother, Crisalvo. Crisalvo, whose reputa- 
tion was not of the best, in order to ingratiate himself 
with Silvia, availed himself of the good offices of her 
kinsman, Carino, the villain of the story. Carino, 
who had long dissembled an ancient grudge against 
Lisandro's brother and against Crisalvo, took the 
opportunity of insinuating to the latter that his un- 


successful suit was due to the fact that Silvia was 
already the mistress of Lisandro. Meanwhile, Lisandro's 
love-affair had prospered exceedingly, and finally it 
was arranged that, under escort of Carino, Lednida 
should meet her lover at a neighbouring village and 
there marry him. Betraying the confidence placed in 
him, Carino informed Crisalvo that Lisandro's triumph 
with Silvia was so absolute that, on such and such a 
night, the pair were to elope. On the appointed day, 
he induced Libeo (another of his foes) to escort the 
disguised Lednida to the try sting-place. Crisalvo, 
whose love for Silvia had turned to hate, secreted him- 
self by the roadside with four of his kinsmen, and, 
under the impression that the muffled figures before him 
were those of Lednida and Lisandro, murdered the two 
wayfarers. Lisandro, who had beeli anxiously awaiting 
the arrival of Lednida and Carino, walked along the 
road, came upon Lednida, gathered from her dying lips 
her story, and almost instantly killed Crisalvo, who, 
having learned his blunder, had returned to see for 
himself whether he was in truth the murderer of his 
own sister. The last act of the tragedy had culminated 
that day in the slaughter of Carino. Lisandro's ven- 
geance is complete. Like the singer of the Hymn to- 
Proserpine, he has 

Lived long enough, having seen one thing, that love hath an end, 

and death remains his one desire. Howevei?, he is 
prevailed upon to spend the night in Elicio's dwelling. 
Next day Erastro appears, and the trio, sallying forth. 


find Galatea wandering by the streamlet in search of 
her friend Florisa. Finally, the two shepherdesses 
go their way, and shortly meet a forlorn damozel 
named Teolinda, who falls to telling the story of her 
love-passages with Artidoro, when the interesting recital 
is interrupted by the sudden entry of Aurelio, Galatea's 
father. The book closes with a somewhat cynical song 
from Lenio (who is answered, in verse by Blicio, and 
in prose by Erastro), with a ballad from Florisa, and 
with the departure of Lisandro. 

In the second book Teolinda completes her story. 
All her disasters have arisen from her fatal resemblance 
to her sister Leonarda, who, being taken by Artidoro 
for Teolinda, gives that too-greatly-daring swain a 
scornful dismissal. She tells to sympathetic ears how 
on a tree by Henares' bank, like Eosalind in Arden, 
she found a poem from her despairing lover in which, 
with grim significance, he talked of his approaching end. 
These lugubrious stanzas caused her to quit her 
native province and wander forth in search of Artidoro : 
hence her presence here. At this point Damon and 
Tirsi, on their way to the marriage of their common 
friend Daranio with Silveria, appear singing alternate 
•stanzas. Hearing Elicio's voice, they find the singer, 
and Damon introduces Tirsi as the " Gloria del castellano 
suelo." Later, the singing and sonneteering ended, they 
meet Silerio, who, with a singular want of reticence, 
straightway relates to them the adventures of his friend 
and townsman the Jerezano Timbrio, who, quarrelling 
with Pransiles, had fled the country, offering his enemy a 


somewhat vague rendezvous at Milan or Naples. Silerio 
started to joia his friend, and putting into a Catalan 
port, found Timbrio being taken through the streets 
on his way to the gallows, where he is to be hanged on 
a false charge of highway robbery. Silerio rescues 
Timbrio, but himself falls into the hands of justice ; and 
the unfortunate deliverer is in jail under sentence of 
death when the confusion, caused by a Turkish attack 
on the port, enables the prisoners to escape. Finally, 
Silerio, sailing from Barcelona, joins Timbrio at Naples, 
where he finds his friend enamoured of Nisida. Silerio, 
always ready to sacrifice himself in friendship's cause, 
disguises himself as a jester, and, under the name of 
Astor, obtains entry to Nisida's house, where, singing 
sonnets in her praise, he ingratiates himself with her 
parents, secures his footing, and presently finds an 
opportunity of declaring his friend's passion to the 
enchantress. Meanwhile he has himself succumbed to 
her charms, and accidentally discovers the fact to 
Timbrio, who overhears one of his love-ballads. He is 
telling how he successfully feigned to Timbrio that his 
love was not Nisida but her younger sister Blanca, 
when Daranio's wedding-train enters and the rest of the 
story is adjourned till the evening. 

In the third book Silerio takes up his tale, showing 
how Nisida, moved by the imminence of Timbrio's duel 
with Pransiles, avows her love for him, when Mirenio 
intervenes with a doleful ballad denouncing Silveria,. 
who — according to the jilted singer — is about to wed 
Daranio from mercenary motives, Silerio, continuing. 


relates how he undertook, in case of Timbrio's success 
against Pransiles, to return with a white scarf tied round 
his arm, and how, in the haste and excitement occasioned 
■by his friend's triumph, he forgot the token. Nisida, 
seeing him thus returning, fell into a faint so profound 
that she was taken for dead, and Timbrio fled the 
country in despair. In Naples, in Jerez, and in Toledo 
Silerio sought his friend in vain, and finally abandoning 
the hopeless quest he settled down to a life of melancholy 

Next day, Mirenio's grief at the faithlessness and 
venality of Silveria breaks out anew in the form of 
sixteen stanzas. But no providential catastrophe inter- 
venes to save him ; the marriage takes place, and the 
day closes with an almost interminable series of songs 
:from the lovesick swains Orompo, Marsilio, Crisio, and 
Orfenio. Damon, too, discourses on artless jealousy, 
the injured lover's hell, and is only cut short by the 
entry of Francenio, Lauso, and the elderly Arsindo, who 
chaunt their lays in the approved manner. 

In the fourth book we find Teolinda setting forth 
•once more in quest of Artidoro. As Galatea and Florisa 
accompany her on the road they meet with some 
sportsmen, to whom enter two shepherdesses, one of 
whom, named Kosaura, addresses the principal horseman 
of the party — one Grisaldo — with extreme violence. 
Grisaldo's crime is that, deceived by, and perhaps weary 
of, Eosaura's simulated disdain, he has engaged himself 
as a pis aller to Leopersia. The unlucky man defends 
himself as well as may be from the attack of the angry 


damsel, who thereon endeavours to commit suicide ; she 
is prevented by Grisaldo and by the attendant nymph, 
who is discovered to be Teolinda's sister Leonarda. 
Satisfactory explanations are interchanged ; and Grisaldo, 
repenting his weak inconstancy, passes on, forgiven, 
liosaura, in the true pastoral manner, tells the bystanders 
her story, which is to the effect that, wishing to pique 
■Grisaldo, she had flirted with Artandro so flagrantly 
and so successfully that Grisaldo fell in with his family's 
■desire that he should marry Leopersia. This, however, 
was more than Rosaura could bear, and accordingly she 
had set out in quest of the faithless one, with what good 
result we have seen. Leonarda, following, tells how the 
synchronous disappearance of Teolinda and Artidoro had 
forced upon the charitable public the conclusion that 
the two had eloped. Search was made, and Artidoro's 
•double, Galercio, was wrongfully arrested. After divers 
adventures Galercio was released ; but not before 
Leonarda was deeply in love with him. 

The shepherds meanwhile are not idle. Meeting a 
company of strangers by the way, Damon, after a brief 
•conversation on the advantages of a pastoral life, sings 
them one of Lauso's songs, and the misogamist Lenio, 
like Sydney Smith's Scotch girl, discourses on love in the 
abstract. Just as he is beginning, Aurelio, Galatea, 
.and her train, appear. Lenio's lecture ends, as usual, 
with a song, and the scandalised Tirsi replies for the 
other side. Elicio incidentally, gathers that one of 
Galatea's companions is Msida, and further learns that 
Timbrio is present. Mutual explanations are inter- 


changed, and Darinto rides off to find Silerio, The 
episode of Galercio's love for Gelasia is then introduced, 
and both Teolinda and Leonarda . go into hysterics, 
one of them taking Gelasia's lover for Artidoro ; while 
the other — correctly enough — believes him to be 

In the fifth book we find Timbrio, Nisida, and Blanca 
outside the dwelling of Silerio, listening to his song. 
In the moonlight Timbrio gives forth a quatrain in 
reply, and Silerio, recognising his old friend's voice, 
comes out and learns how Timbrio found Nisida and 
Blanca on board the vessel in which he himself set 
sail for Jerez ; how, falling in with a fleet of Algerine 
corsairs commanded by Arnaut Mami, they were 
captured ; and how the galley which bore them was 
separated from the rest of the squadron, and, finally, 
was driven by stress of weather into the same Catalan 
port where Silerio had rescued Timbrio. 

At this point Aurelio arrives with the news that 
Darinto, whom he has left profoundly dejected on 
account of his hopeless love for Blanca, is being consoled 
by Elicio and Erastro. The company set forth to seek 
him ; but Darinto has vanished, and, to the general 
surprise, Elicio and Erastro are found in the last 
extremity of despair. The reason is soon apparent. 
Damon learns from Elicio that Galatea is to be married 
to a rich Portuguese suitor, and the two swains mingle 
their sympathetic tears. Turning towards the village, 
Damon and Elicio pass eight armed maskers who also 
make for the village by another path. Later, they 


find Galatea singing her woes in melodious stanzas to 
Florisa, Rosaura, and the rest. As she seems averse 
to the match, Elicio is emboldened to offer her his 
assistance ; but, as she is about to answer, the eight 
maskers reappear, and, overpowering Elicio and Damon, 
carry off Rosaura. The ringleader discovers himself to 
be Artandro, and avers that Rosaura is aflSanced to him. 
Elicio and Damon return crestfallen to the hamlet, 
where they learn that Silerio, resigned to the loss of 
Nfsida, is betrothed to Blanca. Naturally, every one 
sings, and Lauso appears cured of his love by the fair 
one's high disdain. This falling away is atoned for by 
an announcement on the part of the elderly Arsindo— 
who has entered with Maurisa — that the cynical Lenio, 
who but yesterday scoffed at love, has found salvation 
in the person of Gelasia. Maurisa's tidings are still 
more remarkable, for she proclaims that Galercio also is 
enamoured of Gelasia, and that Artidoro is married to 
Leonarda (who has passed herself off as Teolinda) ; while 
the forlorn Teolinda is only sustained by directing her 
regard towards Galercio, who, naturally enough, is 
somewhat embarrassed' by these attentions. Maurisa, 
accompanied by Arsindo, hastens away to inform 
Grisaldo of Rosaura's abduction, leaving the rest to 
marvel whether it be really with justice that "Young 
men think old men fools." 

Finally the venerable priest Telesio, entering, bids 
the shepherds come on the morrow to the cypress valley 
(where Meliso's ashes lie), and assist at the ceremony 
which takes place yearly on the anniversary of that 


famous shepherd's death. Then the repentant Lenio 
comes forward ; and with his formal recantation of old 
heresies the section closes. 

The last book opens with the memorial rites for 
Meliso — no light thing, if, as it should seem, the 
celebration lasted from dawn till sunset. After Tirsi, 
Lauso, Damon, and Elicio have sung, the figure of 
Calliope rises from the cypress-pyre, and the goddess 
chaunts the names of the contemporary Spanish poets 
worthy to be filed on fame's eternal bede-roU. More 
singing follows ; and an epidemic of recitation is only 
stamped out by an attempt on the part of Galercio to 
commit suicide because of his unrequited passion for 
Gelasia. Teolinda repeats the twice-told tale of 
Leonarda's treachery, and Galatea, through Maurisa's 
hands, sends Elicio a letter begging him to rescue 
her from this unpalatable marriage. The romance 
closes with a prospective deputation of remonstrance 
to Aurelio : and, should this moderate remedy fail, with a 
determination on the part of the conference of shepherds 
to terrorise the Portuguese suitor into withdrawing his 

Nothing is easier than to point out the shortcomings, 
gross and palpable enough, of the Galatea. But great 
as these deficiencies are, they are due at least as much 
to the nature of the work as to the author. The 
underlying idea of the school of pastoral romance was 
radically vicious. The writers, striving to reproduce in 
an artistic form the lives of their courtly Troglodytes, 


•were engaged on an impossible task. In the Galatea the 
neglect of a natural background is flagrant ; probability- 
goes by the board. The customs and manners of the 
Arcadians are distinctly quaint. Shepherds stay away 
from their flocks for a fortnight ; and the fact that the 
hungry sheep look up and are not fed gives them little 
or no concern.^ They dwell in a land of leisure ; yet, 
as the day is not long enough, they sit up all night to 
listen to a comrade's experiences. Their conversation is 
in the too precious mould of Don Adriano de Armado. 
We might say of every one of them that he was 

A man in all tte world's new fashion planted, 
That hath a mint of phrases in his brain ; 

One whom the music of his own vain tongue 
Doth ravish like enchanting harmony. 

Een Jonson's criticism that " Lucan, Sidney, Guarini 
make every man speak as well as themselves, forgetting 
•decorum," might well include all writers of this exotic 
style.^ The author himself is at last driven to apologise 
for the accomplishments of his puppets.* Few things 

^ " Consol^le yo lo mejor que supe, y dejdndole litre del pasado 
parasismo, vengo acompanando k esta pastora, y & buscarte k ti, 
Lauso, que fueres servido, volvamos & nuestras cabanas, pues ha ya 
diez dias que dellos nos partirdos, y podrd ser que nuestros ganados 
sientan el ausencia nuestra, mas que nosotros la suya." — Galatea, 
lib. V. 

2 "Ben Jonson's Conversations with "William Drummond." 
Printed for the Shakespeare Society (London, 1842). 

3 " Si conocieras, senor, respondid k esta sazon Elicio, c6mo la 
■crianza del nombrado Tirsi no ha sido entre los drboles y florestas, 
■ como tii imaginas, sino en las reales cortes y conocidas escuelas, no te 
•maravillaras de lo que ha dicho, sino de lo que ha dejado por decir : 

K 2 


are more amazing than the memories of these Arcadians ; 
every one pours forth poems in profusion, and recites 
long love-letters word for word. Nothing short of a 
catastrophe gives them pause. The mere machinery of 
the story runs halt and creaking. The curious similarity 
of the characters, the continual repetition of the same 
device, the incredible villainy of Carino, the sudden 
introduction and equally abrupt elimination of Lisandro, 
the quiet indiflference of these paragons to human life — 
though not to human suffering — all point to a meagre- 
ness of conception and to a certain poverty of execution. 
The style is too often stilted ; exaggeration is the prevail- 
ing note ; all the shepherds are discretos, all the nymphs 
hermosas, and the entire company are " todos enwmora- 
dos, aunque de diferentes pasiones oprimidos." The 
insatiable, eager curiosity, the sensibility which melts 
into floods of tears, the loquacious confidences and petty 
dialectics of these mild Lotos-eaters, are all likely to 
waken mirth in the cold-blooded reader. A bastard 
classicism, a sickly savour of literary coxcombry reigns' 
throughout. When Lenio and Tirsi discourse on love 
we feel that their eloquent periods, more suited to the 
Ilissus than the Tagus, might have obtained them votive 
statues at Delphi from Phsedrus the Myrrinhusian ; and 
even when a harmless allusion to the Guadalquivir is 

y aunque el desamorado Lenio, por su humildad ha confesado que la 
rusticidad de su vida pocas prendas de ingenio puede prometer, con 
todo eso te aseguro que los mas floridos anos de su edad gast6, no en el 
ejercicio de guardar las cabras en los montes, sino en las riberas del 
claro Tormes en loables estudios y discretas conversacidnes." — 
Galatea, lib. iv. 


made we are conscious that the writer has not forgotten 
his Martial : 

Bsetis olivifera crinem redimite coroDa, 

Aurea qui nitidis vellera tingis aquis ; 
Quern Bromius, quern Pallas amat ; cui rector aquarum 

Albula navigerum per freta pandit iter. 

Hazlitt's complaint of Sidney's Arcadia is to the 
point. " The original sin of alliteration, antithesis, and 
metaphysical conceit," the " systematic interpolation of 
the wit, learning, ingenuity, wisdom and everlasting 
impertinence of the writer," "the continual, uncalled- 
for interruptions, analysing, dissecting, disjointing, 
murdering everything, and reading a pragmatical, self- 
suflScient lecture over the dead body of nature,"- are 
always with us in the Galatea?- 

Like most pastoral novelists, Cervantes strove, with 
questionable success, to lighten the general monotony 
and to impart a touch of life and movement to the tale 
by the continual introduction of secondary episodes. 
In this, as in many other respects, he has but followed 
his models. Elicio and Erastro open the story in exactly 
the same manner as Sannazzaro's Ergasto and Selvaggio ; 
and the funeral rites for Meliso are but a variant on 
the Feast of Pales in the Arcadia. The Cantp de 
Caliope, in which the writer sings the praises of one 
hundred (for the most part, excessively minor) poets, is 
an obvious imitation of Gil Polo's Canto de Turia. To 
the introduction of contemporary personages under 

1 See William Hazlitt's " Lectures on the Dramatic Literature of 
the Age of Elizabeth" (London, 1821), pp. 265 et seq. 


feigned names — a literary vice in all ages — the pastora 
school was greatly given. Montemayor as Serene 
Ribeiro as Bimnardel, Sidney as Pyrocles, were al 
precedents for the introduction of Cervantes himself a 
Elicio. Gd,lvez de Montalvo is figured by Siralvo 
Luis Barahona de Soto by Lauso, Pedro de Lainez a 
Damon, Francisco de Figueroa as Tirsi, Alonso d^ 
Ercilla as Larsileo, and Pedro Lindn de Riaza as Lenio 
while Meliso represents the famous Diego Hurtado d( 
Mendoza who had died some ten years previous to thi 
publication of the Galatea. The tradition as to thi 
identity of the female characters is less precise. It ha; 
been suggested that Galatea may be the Lisbon lad] 
of whom we have already heard too much ; it has beei 
hinted also that she may be Dona Magdalena Pacheco d( 
Sotomayor ; but there seems no reason to reject th( 
old hypothesis that by Galatea the writer intended tc 
indicate his future wife, Dona Catalina de Palacios 
Salazar y Vozmediano. In sketching her, Cervantei 
may have had before him Sannazzaro's presentation o: 
Carmosina Bonifacia as Amaranta, or even Lorenzo d( 
Medici's picture of his Lucrezia Donati. 

Weak as the Galatea undoubtedly is, it would b( 
unfair to dismiss it as merely food for laughter. I can- 
not, indeed, agree with an English critic who declares 
it to be " an admirable pastoral romance." But, whei 
all deductions are made on the ground of artificiality 
prolixity, and faulty invention, we are forced to admii 
the sustained imagination, the Asiatic luxuriance o: 


phrase, the rich felicity of epithet, the easy grace and 
sonorous rhetoric of many passages which, if not always 
appropriate to the context, are undeniably good in 
themselves. The extravagant episode of Teolinda and 
Leonarda, Artidoro and Galercio — suggested, like the 
Comedy of Errors, by the Mencechmi of Plautus — is 
not very happily worked out; but the adventures of 
Timbrio, though abounding in fantastic and improbable 
incident, are given with great spirit, and the interest in 
his experiences, whether related by himself or by Sderio, 
is admirably maintained. Now and then we come across 
an autobiographical touch, as in the reference to Arnaut 
Mami, and the writer turns as fondly to "la famosa 
Compluto " and " la ribera y el soto del manso Henares " 
as does Fielding to "the pleasant banks of sweetly- 
winding Stour."^ Cervantes lived long enough to see 
the absurdities of the pastoral. In his masterpiece, Don 
Quixote's niece expresses a very reasonable fear that 
her uncle, cured of knight-errantry, may go mad as a 
shepherd ; and the excellent knight, with his burlesque 

1 Cp. the spirited ballad in Agustiu Durdn's " Eomancero " 
(Madrid, 1829), vol. ii. p. 140: 

"Sulcando el salado campo, 
Que el Dios Neptuno gobierna, 
Y el licor amargo, i donde 
Estan las mariaas deas, 
Va el fuerte Arnaute Mami," etc. 

" A esta sazon dijo Teolinda : Si los oidos no me enganan, 
hermosas pastoras, yo creo que teneis hoy en vuestras riberas d los 
dos nombrados y famosos pastores Tirsi y Damon, naturales de mi 
patria ; i lo menos Tirsi, que en la famosa Compluto, villa f undada 
en las xiberas de nuestro Henares, fu6 nacido," etc. — Galatea, lib. ii. 


nomenclature of Quijotiz, Pancino, Sansonino, Niculoso, 
Curiambro, Teresona, and the rest, gives abundant 
ground for alarm. In the Coloquio de los Perros, 
through the mouth of Berganza, Cervantes showers a 
flopd of good-natured ridicule upon the shepherds and 
shepherdesses who passed their whole lives " cantando y 
tanendo con gaitas, samponas, rabeles y churumbelas, 
y con otros instrumentos extraordinarios." 

Even if we say the worst, and admit that Galatea 
"is in the very manner of those books of gallantry and 
chivalry which, with the labyrinths of their style and 
' the reason of. their unreasonableness,' turned the fine 
intellects of the Knight of La Mancha," we may still 
regret that Cervantes never found time to finish it. It 
has been cynically observed that a merciful Providence 
invariably interfered to' prevent the completion of 
pastoral novels, and the instances of Montemayor, 
Eibeiro, and (in a later age) D'Urfe are to the point. 
It would, however, have been interesting to see the 
skilled fingers of the veteran rehandling the old theme 
once more ; perhaps imparting new life to the dry, dead 
bones, or — more probably — anticipating Sorel, doing 
for pastoralism what he had done for the literature of 
chivalry. It is certain that the story was always by 
him. A few days before his death he was still full of it, 
still hopeful. His intention to finish it to-morrow was 
always excellent. But that to-morrow was not to be. 

There in seclusion and remote from men 

The wizard hand lies cold, 
Which at its topmost speed let fall the pen 

And left the tale half -told. 


Ah ! wlio shall lift that wand of magic power ■ 

And the lost clew regain ? 
The unfinished window in Aladdin's tower 

Unfinished must remain. 

Nearly two centuries later, a young French ex- 
officer of dragoons, named Jean-Pierre Claris de Florian, 
answered this question in his own favour, compressed 
the six books of the Galatea into three, and modestly 
added, on his own account, a fourth book, in which all 
the personages^ pairing off, marry and live happily ever 
afterwards. His version, which is characterised by the 
quaint grace and fatal fluency which distinguished all 
his work, may be commended to those who are debarred 
from reading the original. A few years later, in 1798, 
an enterprising Spaniard, Cdndido Maria Trigueros, with 
characteristic intrepidity, undertook to improve on both 
Cervantes and Florian in Los Enamorados 6 Galatea v 
sus bodas. But this disastrous display is among those 
which posterity has most willingly let die ; nor is the 
justice of the irrevocable decision likely to be questioned 
by any one who has glanced through its pages. It is, 
indeed, as Horace Walpole said of the Arcadia, "a 
tedious, lamentable, pedantic, pastoral romance which 
the patience of a young virgin in love cannot now wade 

The aprobacidn which precedes the Galatea was 
signed by Lucas Gracidn Dantisco (the author, later, of 
the Galateo Espanol) on February 1, 1584, and the 
book was probably published during the next twelve- 
month. Cervantes is supposed to have written -it to 
gain the favour of Dona Catalina de Palacios Salazar y 


Vozmediano. So far, at least, he was successful. Oo 
December 12, 1584, she was married to him at her 
native town of Esquivias. At this time Cervantes was- 
thirty-seven, and Dona Catalina nineteen, years of age. 




I HAVE compiled the following biographical notices of the poets 
mentioned in the " Canto de Caliope " from a multitude of sources. 
It would be impossible to overestimate the value of the contributions 
of D. Cayetano A. de la Barrera to the edition of the " Obras " pro- 
duced by Hartzenbusch and Eosell. I have used them freely ; but 
I greatly regret that the majority of my notes were already 
concluded before I was aware of the existence of Barrera's work. 
Otherwise I might have spared myself no small amount of labour. 
In the process of revision I have found my predecessor's ample 
knowledge and research invaluable, and I have not hesitated to avail 
myself of his results. I believe I have made a separate statement 
in each case; but I trust that this more general acknowledgment 
may not be reckoned insufficient. I have not thought it necessary, 
in a book intended primarily for English readers, to indulge in the 
same amount of detail as I should have employed in a book which 
was to be read by Spaniards. Condensation and compression have 
been largely used ; and the process of minute correction has been, so 
far as the very incomplete state of my knowledge allows, unremitting. 
I must finally acknowledge the large extent of my obligations to the 
Spanish translation of Ticknor. 

Aquato (Juan). 

Aguilae (Biego de). — A sonnet by this vraiter — "Gar9a en en 
alto Olympo remontada" — prefaces Enrique Garc6s' translation of 
Camoens. He is probably identical with the Diego de Aguiar (sic) 
whose sonnet, " Que perla tendri el Indo mar, 6 el Moro," is^pre- 
fixed to L6pez Maldonado's " Cancionero." 


AloAzae (Baltasar de). — Born at Seville about 1540, and served 
under Santa Cruz. His contributions to Pedro Espinosa's "Flores 
de poetas ilustres," with other fugitive Verses, may be found in vols, 
xxxii., XXXV., and xlii. of Rivadeneyra's "Biblioteca de Autores 
Espanoles." His works have been edited by D. Jos6 Asensio y 
Toledo (Seville, 1856), and more recently — in 1878 — have been re- 
produced by the Sociedad de Bibli(5filos Andaluces. He died in 
his native city, January 16, 1606. 

Alfonso (Gaspar). 

Alvarado (Pedeo). 

Argensola. — See Leonardo de Argensola. 

Artibda (Andres Key de). — Bom about 1549. His birthplace 
is doubtful. (See Antonio, "Bibliotheca Hispana Nova," vol. i. 
p. 83.) He is claimed both by Valencia and Zaragoza; but on 
this point Lope de Vega, who must have known him well, is distinct 
enough in his " Laurel de Apolo " (so. ii.) : 

" Y al capitan Aitieda 
Aunque Valencia lamentarse pueda, 
Pondrd, en sus cuatro Zaragoza el dia 
Que de la numerosa monarquia 
Apolo nombre un senador supremo. 
Que como aquel celeste Polifemo 
Unico d^ su luz A los dos polos 
Pues no es de un siglo para los dos Apolos." 

Artieda, like Cervantes, received three wounds at Lepanto. Later 
on he served in the Netherlands under the Duke of Parma. His 
valour was conspicuous, and a story is told of his having swum 
across the Ems in midwinter, under the fire of the enemy, with his 
sword in his teeth. He is perhaps best known by his " Discursos, 
epistolas y epigramas de Artemidoro" ((^aragoga, 1605). He died 
at Valencia, November 16, 1613. 


Baca y de Quinones (Hibeonymo). — A sonnet and cancion- 
by this writer are among the prefatory poems to the "Luzero de- 
la tierra sancta, y grandezas de Egypto, y monte Sinay agora noua- 
mente vistas y escriptas por Pedro de Escobar Cabega de Vaca" 
(Valladolid, 1587). 

Barahona de Soto (Lufs). — Born at Lucena about 1535. His 


best known work is, of course, " La primera parte de la Angelica " 
(Granada, 1586). He is represented in Espinosa's collection; and 
four of his satires, together with the "Mbula de Actedn," may- 
be found in L6pez de Sedano's " Parnaso Espanol " (vol. ix. 
pp. 53-123). Lope refers to him in the " Laurel de Apolo " (sc. ii.). 
According to Barrera he died at Archidona, November 6, 1595. 
I am somewhat inclined to doubt the accuracy of this assertion, as 
Barahona de Soto contributed a complimentary sonnet to Mesa's 
" Eestauraci6n de Espana" (Madrid, 1607). See Eivadeneyra, vols. 
XXXV. and xlii. 

Baza (Doctob). 

Beckera (Domingo de). — Born at Seville about 1535. He was 
a prisoner with Cervantes in Algiers, and, like him, was released in 
1580. He translated Giovanni, della Casa's work, "H Galateo" 
(Venecia, 1585). The only edition which I have seen is that 
included in the polyglot version of "II Galateo " published at 
Geneva in 1609. The Latin and German versions are by Nathan 
Ghytrseus. The name of the French translator is not given. The 
French translation varies considerably from that published in Paris 
in 1562 by Jean du Peyrat. 

BBBEfo (GoNZALO Matbo db). — Bom about 1550 at Granada, 
where he studied law. He is mentioned by Lope in the " Dorotea," 
and again in the " Laurel de Apolo " (sC. ii.) : 

"Mas ya quejoso el celo y el decoro 
Del cristalino Dauro, 
Quiere que teng'a oposicion el lauro 
Que bastard el doctisimo Berrio 
Jurisconsulto insigne," etc. 

Espinel also refers to him in the prologue of "Marcos de Obreg6n." 
In 1599 he signed the aprohacion of Gairasco's " Templo militante," 
and in Espinosa's collection he is represented by two sonnets. 

CAieasco db Figubeoa (BAETOLOMi:). — Born at the Canaries in 
1540, took orders, and became Prior of the Cathedral there. Ac- 
cording to Ticknor, his colossal " Templo militante, flos santorum, 
y triumphos de sus virtudes " was published in four parts : the first 
at Valladolid in 1602, the second at Valladolid in 1603, the third 
at Madrid in 1609, and the fourth, posthumously, at Lisbon in 1614. 
Degenerate readers of to-day may well shrink from attacking this 


immense work j and their curiosity -will probably be satisfied with 
the selections given by Ldpez de Sedano (vol. v. pp. 332-363, vol. 
vii. pp. 191-216). Mesa's " c^ndido canonigo C4irasco" would 
seem to have been a man of very lovable temperament, judging 
from the manner in which his contemporaries (by no means inclined 
to favourable estimates of their rivals) speak of him. He contributed 
a prefatory poem to Carranza's " Libro de las grandezas de la espada," 
and is the author of an unpublished version of Ariosto's "Geru- 
salemme." He died in 1610. See Eivadeneyra, vols. xxxv. and xlii. 

Caldeea (Benito de) is best known as a translator of Camoens. 
" Los Lusiadas de Camoes traduzidos en pctava rima Castellana por 
Benito Caldera" appeared at Alcald de Henares in 1580. There is 
a prefatory letter commendatory by Lainez, with prefatory sonnets by 
Lainez, Garay, Luis de Montalvo, and Vergara. In the same year 
Luis G6mez published another version of Camoens at Salamanca. 

Campuzano (Feanoisco). — A doctor practising at AlcaM de 
Henares, of which place he seems to have been a native. A poetical 
epistle by this writer is printed in L6pez Maldonado's " Cancionero " 
(ff. 120-122) ; and from a poem of Ldpez Maldonado's (f. 125) it 
is clear that Campuzano was a widower in 1586. A "Cancion al 
seraphico sant Francisco " by Campuzano may be found in PadUla's 
" Jardin Espiritual " (ff. 223-226). He contributed a prefatory poem 
to Gracidn Dantisco's " Galateo Espanol." 

Canqas (Fernando de). — " EI culto Cangas " would seem to 
have been an especial favourite with Mesa, who has dedicated a 
sonnet to him in the "Eimas " (f. 230). Mesa again refers to him in 
the " Eestauraci6n de Espana" (lib. x. st. 108). 

Cantobal. — See Lomas. 

Caeranza (Hieeonimo). — Born at Seville, 1552. The date of 
his birth is inferred from the title-page of his "Philosophia y 
destreza de las armas," published, with a copy of dedicatory verses 
to the Duque de Medina Sidonia, at Sanliicar de Barrameda in 1582. 
In 1589 Carranza became Governor of Honduras. The "Libro de 
las grandezas de la espada, en que se declaran muchos secretos del 
que compuso el Comendador Geronimo de Carranga " (edited by Luys 
Pacheco de Naruaez) was published at Madrid in 1600. Bobadil 
admitted Carranza's authority. See his speech to Master Mathew 
(Every Man in his Humour, Act. i. sc. 4) : " By the foot of Pharoah, 
an 'twere my case now, I should send him a chartel presently. The 


Ijastinado a most proper and sufficient dependence, warranted hj 
the great Carranza." 

Caevajal (Gutieeee). 

Cebvantes Saavedra. (Gonzalo). — Barrera thinks that the re- 
ference may he to the author of a novel entitled " Los Pastores del 
Betis." I am not acquainted with this work. 

Coloma (Juan), Conde de Elda. — Born at Elda in Alicante. 
Published at Caller, in 1576, the "D^cada de la Pasion de Jesu 
Christo." Luis Zapata refers to him in the "Carlo famoso" 
(c. xxxviii.) : 

" La honrra don lua Coloma, y de una fuete 
"Van todos a beuer en competencia." 
He became Governor of Sardinia, and in his later years lost his sight. 
His son, Alonso Coloma, contributed two prefatory poems to Mos- 
quera de Kgueroa's "Elogio " on Santa Cruz (f. 175). 

C6BD0BA (Maestro). — His chief title to fame is that he had 
Lope de Vega for a pupil. The scholar has introduced the teacher 
in the " Laurel de Apolo " (sc. iv.) : 

" Hoy d las puertas de su templo llama 
Tina justa memoria, 
Digna de honor y gloria. 
Antes que pase el alto Guadarrama 
Que mi maestro C6rdoba me ofrece 
T las musas latinas me dan voces 
Pues con tan justa causa la merece. 
CuEVA T SiLVA (Francisco de la). — Born at Medina del Campo 
about 1550. His reputation as a lawyer was immense. He is 
represented in Espinosa, and contributed a prefatory poem to Escobar 
Cabega de Vaoa's "Luzero de la tierra sancta." Lope de Vega's 
"Mai Casada " is dedicated to him, and he is mentioned in the 
" Laurel de Apolo " (sc. iii.). Cp. also Quevedo's sonnet in the 
■f' Parnaso Espanol " (Melpomene) : 

'' Este, en traje de tiimulo, museo, 
Sepulero, en academia transformado, 
En donde estd en cenizas desatado, 
lason, Liango, Bartulo y Orf eo ; 

Este polvo, que iui de tanto reo 
Asilo, dulcemente razonado. 
Cadaver de las leyes consultado, 


En quien, si Uoro el fin, las glorias leo ; 

Este de Don Francisco de la Cueva 
Eud prision que su vuelo nos advierte 
Donde piedad y mMto le Ueva. 

Todas les leyes, con discurso fuerte 
Venci6 ; y ansl parec? oosa nueva, 
Qtie le vinciese, siendo ley, la muerte." 

Cueva is reputed to have written a play entitled El Bella Adonis. 
<Cp. Eojas, "Viaje Entretenido," p. 126.) 

Cueva (Juan de la). — Born in Seville about 1550. His "Con- 
quista de la B^tica, Ejemplar poetico," and " Inventores de las Cosas," 
are well known. Examples of his style are given in L6pez de Sedano 
{vols. viii. and ix.). The "Coro Febeo de romances historiales" was 
published at Seville in 1587, and his dramatic works in 1588. The 
■date of his death is uncertain. See Rivadeneyra, vols, x., xvi., and xlii. 

Daza (Lioenoiado). 

DfAz (Eeancisoo). — ^Lecturer on Philosophy and Medicine at the 
TJniversity of Alcala de Hendres. He published a " Compendio de 
Cirujfa " at Madrid in 1575, but I have not met with any of his 

DuBAN (Diego). — The eighth prefatory poem to L6pez Mal- 
donado's " Cancionero " is by this writer. His lines are so full of 
grace and polish — e.g. in the sonnet : 

" Earo pintor de la encendida llama " — 
that one would willingly know more of his work. 

Eecilla (Alonso de). — Born at Madrid, August 7, 1533. He 
l)egan life as Court page to PhUip II. After eight years of South 
American campaigning he returned to Spain in 1562. Seven years 
later the first part of " La Araucana " appeared ; the second part was 
issued in 1578, and the third part in 1590. A Dutch version by 
Byl was published at Rotterdam in 1619. A Erench translation 
by Gilibert de Merlhiac was issued in 1824, and another, by 
Alexandre Nicholas, was published at Paris in 1869. A German 
version was produced at Nilrnberg in 1831 by C. M. Winterling. 

The exact date of Ercilla's death is unknown, but it seems safe to 
assume that it was not later than 1595 ("Laurel de Apolo," sc. iv.). 

Escobar (Baltasae de). — Born at Seville about 1555. . His 
productions, so far as I know them, are limited to those included 


in Espinosa's collection. A complimentary letter to Viru^s on the 
publication of "El Monserrate " is given in Eivadeneyra's sixty- 
second volume. ^ 

EspiNEL (Vicente). — Born at Eonda in December, 1550. After 
a brief career as a soldier he took orders. His chief works are his 
"Diversas Eimas" (Madrid, 1591), and his "Eelaciones del escudero 
Marcos de Obreg6n" (Madrid, 1618). The espinelas are named after 
him, and he is said to have added the fifth string to the guitar, 
neither of which innovations met with Lope de Vega's approval : 
" perddneselo Dios i Vicente Espinel que nos trujo esta novedad y 
las cinco cuerdas de la guitarra con que ya se van olvidando los in- 
strumentos nobles " (" Dorotea," Act i. sc. 8). An English translation 
of "Marcos de Obregdn " was published by Major Algernon Langton 
(London, 1816), and a German version by Ludwig Tieck was issued at 
Breslau in 1827. 

Espinel died at Madrid, February 4, 1624 ("Laurel de Apolo," sc. i.). 
EspiNosA (Silvbsteb). 
Estrada (Alonso db). 

Ealc6n (Jaime Juan). — Bom at Valencia, 1522. His " Quadra- 
tura circuli" (Valencia, 1587) and his posthumous "Obras poeticas 
latinas" (Madrid, 1600) are his chief productions. Some of his 
Latin epigrams, with metrical translations into Spanish, may be found 
(pp. 55-63) in a small volume entitled " Poesias selectas de varies 
autores latinos " (Tarragona, 1684). An earlier reprint of his Latin 
epigrams appeared at Valencia in 1647. His name occurs in the 
" Canto deTuria": 

" A ti, que alcanzards tan larga parte 
Del agua poderosa de Pegaso, 
A quien de Poesia el estandarte 
Dar4n los moradores de Parnaso, 
Noble Falcdn, no quiero aqui alabarte, 
Porque de ti la fama hard tal caso, 
Que ha de tener particular cuidado 
Que desde Indo al Mauro estfe nombrado." 

Ealc6n died at Madrid, August 31, 1594. 
Feenandez de Pineda (Eodrigo). 
Fernandez de Sotomayor (Gonzalo). 
Figueroa (Francisco de). — Though it has been stated that this 


very eminent writer was a Portuguese, there can be little doubt that 
he was born at Alcald de Henares about the year 1535. After 
serving in the Spanish army he lived some years in Italy, where 
he became an accomplished scholar. He is little known in England ; 
but those who are acquainted with his poems will assuredly admit 
that the immense reputation which he enjoys in Spain is not 
nndeserved. The date of his death is uncertain; but it is known 
that his " Obras en verso " — which he ordered to be destroyed — were 
published posthumously at Lisbon in 1625. 

FRfAS (Damasio db). — This CastUian writer is mentioned by 
Espinel in the " Casa de la Memoria " (c. ii.). The only specimens 
of his work with which I am acquainted are those printed in L6pez 
de Sedano's " Parnaso Espanol " (vol. ii. pp. 346-352, and vol. vii. 
pp. 53-57) and the canciSn in the "Floresta." 

Galvbz de Montalvo (Luis). — Born at Guadalajara about 1545. 
His novel, "El Pastor de Eilida," was published at Madrid in 1582. 
The aprobacidn is signed by Pedro de LAinez. He was drowned at 
Palermo in 1591. Eivadaneyra (vol. xxxii.) prints a " Juicio critico 
acerca de Ciistdbal de Castillejo." 

Gaeat (Maestro). — Espinel mentions this writer in the "Casa 
de la Memoria " (c. ii.) j and Lope de Vega in the ''Arcadia" styles 
him a divino ingenio. See also the " Laurel de Apblo " (so. iv.). 
Some specimens of his work are given in Eivadeneyra's forty-second 

GaeoehAn db Boeja (Pedbo Lufs). — Born about 1538. He was 
Captain-General of Oran, possibly about the time of Cervantes' 
captivity. GU Polo names him in the " Canto de Turia " : 

" Quando en el grande Borja, de Montesa 
Maestre tan magndnimo imagino, 
Que en versos y en qualquier excelsa empresa 
Ha de mostrar valor alto y divino," etc. 

He was Captain-General of Catalonia when he died, March 20, 1592. 
GAEC]fis (Henrique). — In 1591 " Los sonetos y canciones del 
Poeta Francisco Petrarcha que traduzia Henrique Garces de lengua 
Thoseana en Castellano" appeared at Madrid. In the same year, 
while the writer was in Lima, " Los LusiadaS' de Luys de Camoes, 
Traduzidos de Portugues en Castellano por Henrique Garces " also 
appeared at Madrid. Pedro de Padilla signed the aprobacidn. 



Gil Polo (Gaspae). — Born at Valencia and filled the Greet 
chair there. While still a very young man his continuation of 
Montemayor's "Diana Enamorada" appeared (Valencia, 1564), It 
seems probable that he was yet living in 1615. 

Gik6n t de Ebbollbdo (Alonso). — Born at Valencia in 1530. 
He published "La Pasion de Nuestro Senor Jesu Christo segun 
San Juan " (Valencia, 1563), a work which I have not seen,, 
although it has passed through not less than three editions. The 
name of this writer may be found La the " Canto de Turia " : 

" Tendreis un don Alonso, que el renombre 
De^ilustres Eebolledos dilatando 
En todo el universo ir4 su nombre 
Sobre Mar6n famoso levantando," etc. 

He should, of course, be carefully distinguished from Count Ber- 
nardino de EeboUedo, the author of the "Ocios," "La Constancia 
virtuosa," " Selvas D4nicas," etc. A laudatory sonnet by this writer 
is prefixed to the " Diana Enamorada " of Gil Polo. 

G6mez de Luqtje (Gonzalo). — Born at C6rdoba, and published 
the "Libro primero de los famosos hechos del prinoipe Don Celidon 
de Iberia" at Alcald de Henares in 1583. I have not met with this 
book, and the only poems by this writer with which I have any 
acquaintance are (1) a prefatory poem — "Donde de flores variedad 
no poco "■ — in Ldpez Maldonado's " Cancionero," and (2) some verses 
reprinted in Pedro de Padilla's " Jardin Espiritual" (f. 231). 

G6ngoba t Abgote (Luis db). — Born at C6rdoba, June 11, 
1561. He was educated at Salamanca, but appears not to have 
proceeded to his degree. In 1605, while a middle-aged man, Gdngora 
took orders, and was appointed Canon of the Cathedral in his native 
city. He died at Cdrdoba, May 23, 1627. Most English readers 
probably know him best as the "jeune bachelier corduan . . . le 
plus beau genie que I'Espagne ait jamais produit," mentioned by 
Fabrice in "Gil Bias " (vii. 13). His poems, edited by Juan Ldpez 
de Vicuna, were first printed at Madrid in 1627. The second 
edition, edited by Gonzalo de Hozes y C6rdoba, was published in 

GeaoiAn Dantisco (Lucas db). — The son of Charles V.'s secre- 
tary, he himself became secretary to Philip II. He wrote an imitation 


of della Casa's book under the title of " Galateo Espanol, de lo que 
se debe hazer y guardar en la comun conversacion por ser bien quisto 
y amado de las gentes" (Barcelona, 1594), to which G41vez de 
Montalvo, Francisco de Campuzano, Lope de Vega, and Gaspar de 
Morales, contributed prefatory poems. Sjr William Stirling-Maxwell 
("Annals of the Artists of Spain," London, 1848, i. 416) says this 
writer was " an amateur painter of no mean skill." 

Guzman (Francisco de). — The "Triumphos Morales" and the 
" Decretos de Sabios " of this writer were both published at Alcal4 
de Henares in 1565. An edition of the "Triumphos Morales" is 
said to have been published at Antwerp in 1557, but I have not 
seen it. He is best known as a glosador of Jorge de Manrique's 
" Coplas." 

Hereera (Fernando de). — Bom at Seville about 1534. His 
admiration for Garcilaso de la Vega led him to produce his 
" Anotaciones " (Seville, 1580). His poems, published at Seville in 
1582, placed him at a bound in the first rank as a lyrical poet. In 
his own country his reputation is as high as ever. He died at 
SeviUe in 1597. 

HuBTB (Pedro de). — A sonnet commendatory by this writer may 
be found in the " Versos espirituales " of the Dominican monk Pedro 
de Enzinas (Guenca, 1597). The title-page bears the name Ezinas 
{sic) ; but the misprint, like most of those in the Spanish books of 
that time, is hideously obvious. Huete himself was a Jeromite friar, 
and was Procurador-General when Enzina's book was published. 

Ieanzo (Lazaro Luis). — Two sonnets by this writer may be 
found in Rivadeneyra, vol. iv. pp. 180, 364. 

LAiNBZ (Pedro de). — The work of this excellent poet, whose name 
is frequently met with in the aprobaciones of the period, is known 
to us chiefly through Espinosa's collection, the "Flores de poetas 
ilustres." A poem by Ldinez may be found in Padilla's "Jardin 
Espiritual" (ff. 226-230). His contemporary reputation was un- 
doubtedly high. Op. the " Laurel de Apolo " (sc. iv.) and also Lope 
de Vega's " Arcadia " : 

" Vaya tambien la fama 
Amante Apolo de la verde rama 
El nombre dilatando 
Por cuanto cielo el sol los polos mide 

L 2 


"De Pedro de L^inez celebrando 
La pura estrella, que i la noch.e impide 
El paso original, que maldecia 
El que esperaba tras la noche el dia." 
Lkiva (Alonso de). — I know nothing of this poet's work, but 
the character of his talent is gathered from Espinel's "Casa de 
Memoria" ("Diversaa Eimas," f. 43) : 

" El animo gentil, el dulce Uanto, 
El blando estilo, con que entemecido 
Don Alonso de Leyua quando canta 
A Venus enamora, d Marte espanta." 
Cp. also Mesa's " Eestauracidn de Espana " (lib. x. s. 92). 

Le6n (Lufs de). — Born at Belmonte in 1528. He entered the 
Augustinian Order and became Professor of Theology at Salamanca 
in 1561. Twelve years later he was arrested by order of the 
Inquisition on a charge of having translated the Song of Solomon 
into the vernacular for a nun. The more general accusation of heresy 
was afterwards brought against him. After an imprisonment of five 
years he was acquitted and returned to his professorial chair. His 
"Perfecta Casada" was published in 1583, and in 1588 he published 
St. Teresa's writings, of which he had been appointed editor. His 
health was completely broken by his imprisonment, and the last 
years of his life were a burden to him. Fortunately for him- 
self he died in 1591. His poetical works remained unpublished 
till they were given to the world by Quevedo in 1631. Cp. the 
" Laurel de Apolo " (sc. iv.). 

Lbonaedo de Aegbnsola (BARTOLOMii). — Born at Barbastro in 
1564, and, like his elder brother, studied at Huesca. In 1609 he 
published his " Conquista de las Islas Malacas " at Madrid, and 
in May, 1610, went with the Conde de Lemos to Naples, where 
he made a very considerable figure during the next six years. His 
"Anales de Aragdn" appeared at Zaragoza in 1630. He died in 
1631, and in 1634 were published at Madrid "Las Eimas que se han 
podido recoger de Lupercio, y del Doctor Bartolom6 Leonardo de 

Lbonaedo de Aegbnsola (Lupeecio). — Born at Barbastro in 
1562. His life was spent in the service of the crown. He is the author 
of, the tragedies Isdbela, Filis, and Alejandra. The first and third 


of these were published by L6pez de Sedano (vol. vi. pp. 312-524). 
Filis would seem to be irrevocably lost. Though highly praised, the 
contemporary success of these plays would appear to have been slight ; 
hence, perhaps, the prominent part taken by this writer in the 
entire suppression of theatrical performances in 1598. He formed 
part of the suite of the Conde de Lemos, and died at Naples, 
March 13, 1613. His poems, with those of his brother, were pub- 
lished posthumously at Madrid in 1634, as stated above. 

LiSAn de RiAZA (Pedro) is said to been born at Calatayud. 
Agustin de Eojas, in the "Viaje Entretenido" (Madrid, 1603), 
mentions him as a distinguished writer of comedies ; Xim6nez Pat6n, 
using the word alinanado, "que es decir imita A LiMn," gives us 
some glimpse of Lindn's vogue at the time (" Mercurius Trismegistus," 
p. 61): and with Lope de Vega he would seem to have been an 
especial favourite. His comedies have not reached us, but some fine 
specimens of his work, e.g., 

"Los pampanos sarmientos 
El estfo va trocando," 

may be found in the " Eomancero General." 

An excellent edition of Linan's poems was published by the 
Diputacion Provincial of Zaragoza in 1876, in the first volume 
(Secci6n Literaria) of the " Biblioteca de Escritores Aragoneses.'' Lope 
de Vega (" Laurel de Apolo," sc. iv.) introduces him as an Ingenio 
raro y dulee, aunque seven. 

LoMAS Cantoeal (Hieeonimo db). — The " Obras " of this writer 
were published at Madrid in 1578. The first nine ff. contain a 
"Tradvcion de Las Piscatorias del Thansillo." The originals, (1) 
"L' ire del mar, che tempestoso sona," (2) " Qual tempo avr6 
giammai, che non' sia breve," and (3) " Tu che da me lontana, ora 
gradita," are the Canzoni numbered VII., VIII., and IX. (pp. 109-120) 
in the "Poesie liriche edite ed inedite di Luigi Tansillo con pre- 
fazione e noti di F. Fiorentino " (Napoli, 1882). 

L6pez Maldonado. — Born at Toledo. The dates of his birth 
and death are alike imknown. His " Cancionero " (Madrid, 1586), 
which contains some decimas by Cervantes, together with a pre- 
fatory sonnet by the same hand, found a place of honour in Don 
Qaixote's library. He contributed a sonnet to Padilla's " Jardfn 
Espiritual " (f. 230). 


Ldjan. — It has been suggested to me that the Isidro de Lujan — 
"de Madrid gloria" — referred to in Lope de Vega's "Jerusaldn" 
(lib. XV. and xvii.), may have some direct connection with this 
personage. I can scarcely imagine anything more unlikely. May not 
the reference be to Mateo Lujdn de Sayavedra, the pseudonymous 
writer of the second part of " Guzmdn de Alfarache " 1 

Maldonado (Hernando). 


Medina (Francisco de). — Born at Seville about 1550. Some 
of his verses may be found in Herrera's " Anotaciones." He died at 
Seville, March 20, 1615. See Eivadeneyra, xxxii. 

Mendoza (Diego de). — It is possible that this may refer to the 
great proconsul who died in 1575. If so, he is the only dead poet 
mentioned in the "Canto de Calfope." On the other hand two 
sonnets — " Pedis, Eeyna, un Soneto, ya lo hago," and " Ya com- 
mienza el inuiemo rigoroso " — are printed in the " Flores de poetas 
ilustres" (ff. 65 and 79) as late as 1605, by a Diego de Mendoza, who 
would seem to be an entirely different person. 

Mendoza (Francisco de). — Barrera thinks this must refer to 
the Francisco Lasso de Mendoza who wrote the sixth sonnet pre- 
fatory — "Si al claro ilustre son, que con victoria'' — to Luis Gdlvez 
de Montalvo's " Pastor de Filida." 

Mesa (Cristobal de). — Born at Zafra about 1560. The chief 
works of this voluminous writer are " Las Ifavas de Tolosa " (Madrid, 
1594), "La Restauraci6n de Espana" (Madrid, 1607), the "Valle 
de Mgrimas" (Madrid, 1607), and "El Patr6n de Espana" (Madrid, 
1611). He translaCed the "^neid" and the "Georgics," and is 
the author of the tragedy "Pompeyo " (Madrid, 1615). 

Meztanza (Juan de). — This writer is mentioned again in the 
"Viaje del Parnaso." I have not seen any of his work, nor can 
I recall any other allusion to him. 

MoNTESDOOA (Pbdro de). — The only specimen of Montesdoca 
which I know is prefixed to Espinel's "Diversas Eimas," and as 
a unique example of his style it may be given here. 

" Produzga en vano el Indico terreno 
Plantas de olor suaue, y peregrino, 
Que si otro tiempo fue precioso, y fino, 
Ta de su estima se conoce ageno : 


" Ya nueve planta el mundo tiene Ueno 
De otro mas soberano olor diuino : 
Ya estan rendidas al dichoso Espino 
El hardo puro, el Amaranto ameno ; 

Ya famoso Espinel, por tos la planta 
De vuestro nombre, esparze mil olores, 
Con q el Pindo se alegra, y se enriquece : 

Ya solo vuestro nombre alii se canta, 
Ya declarado estk, que vuestros ilores 
Se de por premio al que Laurel merece." 

Morales (Alqnso de). — Scarcely anything by this writer appears 
to have survived (at least in print), though his ,work would seem to 
liave been extensive in range if the reference of Agustln de Eojas 
in the " Viaje Entretenido" (p. 131) be taken literally. 
" De los farsantes que han hecho 
farsas, loas, bayles, letras, 
son Alonso de Morales 
Grajales, Zorita Mesa," etc. 

I presume he is the author of the two romances — " Las Prineesas 
-encantadas " — in Duron's collection. See Kivadeneyra, xvi. 

MosQUEEA DB EiGUEROA (Ceist6bal). — Bom at Seville, 1553. 
He wrote the preface to Fernando de Herrera's "Kelacidn de la 
guerra de Cipro" (Sevilla, 1572), and some of his verse is included 
in the same writer's "Anotaciones." His most important work, 
'however, is his "Comentario en breve compendio de disciplina 
militar ■" (Madrid, 1596), which includes the official eulogy on Santa 
Cruz, in whose honour Cervantes contributed a sonnet (f. 177). 
His eulogy on Alonso de ErcUla, prefixed to the edition of the 
"Araucana" published at Brussels in 1592, is well known. He 
died at Ecija in 1610. 

MuEiLLO (Diego). — Born at Zaragoza about 1555. He entered 
the Franciscan Order, and obtained a certain reputation as a preacher. 
Some of his religious writings have reached us and, if the " Fun- 
dacion milagrosa de la capilla angelica y apostolica de la Madre del 
Dios del Pilar" (Barcelona, 1616) may be taken as a fair example of 
his style of sacred eloquence, one may freely rejoice at the loss of the 
remainder. His poems, published under the title of " Divina, dulce 
J provechosa poesia" (Zaragoza, 1616), though, in my judgment. 


almost invariably affected, mawkish, and tumid, have been much 

Orbna (Baltasae). 

Pachbco (Francisco). — Born at Jerez de la Frontera in 1536. 
He took orders and became Canon of Seville Cathedral. He was 
a prolific writer of fugitive Latin versej in which sort some of his 
productions may be seen in the cathedral at Seville. He died in 
1599, and should be distinguished from his nephew and namesake, 
the author of the " Arte de la pintura." 

Padilla (Pedeo Dffi). — Born at Linares de Baeza about 1530. 
The "Eglogas pastoriles" (Sevilla, 1582), "Eomancero" (Madrid, 
1583), and "Jardln Espiritual" (Madrid, 1585) represent his best 
work. The " Eomancero '' is of peculiar interest to the Cervantista, 
for while Cervantes contributed a prefatory sonnet, his old master, 
Juan L6pez de Hoyos, signed the aprohacion. Padilla's " Eoman- 
cero" has recently (Madrid, 1880) been splendidly reproduced by 
the Sociedad de Bibli6filos Espanoles, under the editorship of the 
Marques de la Fuensanta del Valle. In later life Padilla joined 
the Carmelite Order. He died at Madrid, August, 1585. 
Paeibntb (Cosmb). 
PiCADO (Alonso). 

EiBEEA (Sancho de). — I have not met with any original work 
by this writer, nor have I any large recollection of references to his 
productions among the authors of his time. There is, however, 
a sonnet addressed to him by Henrique Garc^s in that writer's 
" Sonetos y canciones de Francisco Petrarcha.'' 

" Sancho, que augmento das con tu ribera, 
a la que del biscipite Parnaso 
baxa, por beneficio de Pegaso 
que si por el, quiga no paresciera, 
Pues con vena corres tan entera 
que della Ueno tienes el Ocaso, 
supplicote consientas qu' en mi vaso 
pueda al menos coger vna gotera. 
Que espero que con ella la dureza, 
qu' es a mis versos como vn mal de herencia, 
se conuierta en torrente de dulgura 
Obrando en ellos como leuadura 

de aquella mal hallada quinta essencia 
que buelue al cobre en oro con presteza." 


EuFO (Juan Guti^ireez). — Bom at C6rdoba, 1535. He is best 
known by his " Austriada," published in 1582. The earliest edition 
■which I have seen is that published at Alcald de Henares in 1586. 
I am not acquainted with "Los seysoientos apotegmas de Juan Rufo 
y otras obras en verso" (Toledo, 1596). 

Salcbdo. — This probably refers to the Juan de Salcedo Villan- 
drando who contributed a prefatory sonnet to Diego d'Avalos y 
Figueroa's "Miscelauea Austral" (Lima, 1602). 

Sanchez (Feancisoo). — Born at Las Brozas in 1523. This 
illustrious scholar is best known, perhaps, as " El Brocense." He 
was Professor of Greek and Ehetoric at Salamanca, and his place 
among contemporary scholars is deservedly high. The most com- 
plete edition, so far as I know, is the "Opera omnia," in four 
volumes (Geneva, 1766). He edited Garcilaso (Salamanca, 1581), 
Juan de Mena (Salamanca, 1582), Horace (Salamanca, 1591), 
Vergil (Salamanca, 1591), Politian's "Silvae" (Salamanca, 1596), 
Ovid (Salamanca, 1598), and Persius (Salamanca, 1599). A post- 
humous commentary on Epictetus was published in 1612. His 
"Paradoxa" appeared at Antwerp in 1582. A "GJammatica 
Reformata, or a General Examination of the Art of Grammar, as 
it hath been successively delivered by Francisous Sanctius in Spain, 
Gaspar Scioppius in France, Gerardus Joannes Yossius in Lower 
Germany," was " designed for initiating the Lower Forms in the Free- 
School of Newark upon Trent," by John Twells, Schoolmaster (London, 
1683). "A Practical Grammar of the Latin Tongue," founded on 
Sanchez, was published in London as late as 1729. (Cp. "Laurel de 
Apolo,'' sc. iii.) Sdnchez died at Salamanca in January, 1601. 

Santisteban t Osobio (Diego de). — Born at Le(5n. He became 
a soldier, and wrote a fourth and fifth part to the "Araucana" 
(Salamanca, 1597). Another edition — the only one which I know 
— was published at Barcelona in 1598. "Las guerras de Malta y 
toma de Malta" appeared at Madrid in 1599. 


Sanz de Zumeta (Juan). — Born at Seville. His sonnet "Al 
saco de C^diz " is given by Juan Antonio Pellicer in the " Vida 
de Cervantes" ("Don Quixote," vol. i. p. Ixxxvi., Madrid, 1797). 
" J De que sirve la gala y gentileza. 

Las bandas, los penachos matizados, 
Los forros roxos, verdes y lesnados, 
Si pide armas el tiempo con presteza ) 


" Quando lleva robada la riqueza 

De CMiz el Britano, j profanados 
Dexa templos y altares consagrados : 
Et.erna infamia, o Espana, d tu grandeza : 
Quando el amigo llora del amigo 
Los danos, y Uoramos las deshonras 
De nuestra lealtad amargamente : 
Quando en desprecio nuestro el enemigo 
Con palabras ensalza nuestras honras : 
Y el Dios de los atunes lo consiente.'' 

Saemiento y Caevajal (Diego de). — Barrera thinks that the 
allusion refers to the fourth Conde de Portoalegre, who was am- 
bassador at Lisbon. He was wounded at Al-kasr al-Kebir, and 
later became Captain-General of Portugal. I have never seen any 
of his verse. 

SiLVA (Juan db). — It may be conjectured that this is the Conde 
de Portoalegre whose " Introduccidn " is prefixed to Mendoza's 
"Guerra de Granada." 

SoEiA. — I have very little doubt that this writer is identical with 
the Licenciado Pedro de Soria whose sonnet, " Aqui de un grande 
ingenio consagrada," is prefixed to the " Obras " of Hieronimo de 
Lomas Cantoral. 

SuAEEZ DB SosA (Feancisoo). — Barrera describes him as doctor, 
philosopher, and poet. 

Teeeazas (Feancisco de). — The author, I presume, of the sonnet, 
•" Sofi6 que de una pejaa me arrojaba," in the "Ploresta." 

Toledo (Baltasae de). 

Vald:^s (Alonso de). — The only writing of this author which I 
•can recall is the Prologue (in praise of poetry) to Espinel's " Diversas 
Eimas," from which it would appear that in 1591 Vald^s was 
secretary to Eodrigo de Mendoza. 

Vaegas Maneique (Lufs de). — Born at Toledo, and served for 
some years in the army. Prefatory sonnets by this writer may be 
found in the " Galatea " and in the " Cancionero " of L6pez Mal- 
donado. Barrera accepts the statement (p. 218) of Garcia de Salcedo 
Coronel (Madrid, 1648) that G6ngora's sonnet, " Tu cuyo ilustre 
«ntre una y otra almena," is dedicated to Luis de Vargas Manrique. 
D. Adolfo de Castro (Kivadeneyra, vol. xxxii, p. 430) follows an 


•earlier editor, Gonzalo de Hozes y C6rdo'ba (p. 8) in his assertion 
that this sonnet is dedicated to the Court Chronicler, Tom^s Tamayo 
-de Vargas. See " Laurel de Apolo " (sc. iv.). 

"... aquel mancebo ilustre y desdichado 
Don Luis de Vargas, que las ondas fieras 
Del mar Tirreno tienen sepultado.'' 

Vega (Damian de). — This writer is said to have been bom at 
'Salamanca. According to Barrera, a sonnet from his pen may be 
"found prefixed to the " Viaje y naufragios del Macedonio " by Juan 
Bautista de Loyola. I have not seen Loyola's book, and this 
statement, therefore, is made at second-hand. 

Veoa (Marco Antonio de la). — Born, it is said, at Alcal4 de 
Henares. I have no acquaintance with his work. Lope de Vega 
lefers to him in the " Laurel de Apolo " (sc. iii.). 

"Aquel ingenio, universal, prof undo. 
El docto Marco Antonio de la Vega, 
Ilustre en verso y erudito en prosa." 

Vega Caepio (Lope FiLix de). — Born at Madrid, Nov. 25, 1562. 
He was therefore about twenty-two years of age when the " Galatea " 
was published, and had already served in at least one of the 
expeditions against the Azores. It is impossible in a brief note to 
give any idea of- the merit or extent of his productions. An excellent 
bibliography, the work mostly of that industrious scholar, the late 
Mr. John Chorley, is appended to Eivadeneyra's fifty-second volume. 
Lope de Vega died at Madrid, August 27, 1635. 

Vergara (Juan de). — This writer, who is referred to by Eojas 
in the " Viaje Entretenido," contributed a sonnet prefatory — " Tratan 
•entre la tierra, y entre el cielo" — to Ldpez Maldonado's "Can- 

ViLLAROEi (Crist6bal db). — TMs writer contributed two sonnets 
to Espinosa's collection. One of these — " Al drbol de vitoria estd 
£ngida" — is reprinted by L6pez de Sedano (v. p. 318). Two sonnets 
from the same hand are prefixed to Carets' version of Petrarch. 

ViBuis (Crist6bal de). — Born at Valencia about 1550. He 
fought with Cervantes at Lepanto. His " El Monserrate " (Madrid, 
1587-1588) represents the high watermark of his production. His 
-" Obras trdgicas y Ifricas" were published at Madrid in 1609. 


ViVALDO (AdAn). — The only Vivaldo I ever heard of is the. 
personage mentioned in "Don Quixote" (Pt. I, eh. xiii.) who, on 
his way to Seville, met the knight just previous to the funeral 
of Chrysostom. 

ViVAR (Bautista de). — ^This writer is mentioned by Lope de 
Vega in the "Dorotea" (Act. IV. sc. ii.) : "Bautista de Vivar, 
monstruo de naturaleza en decir versos de improviso con admirable 
impulso de las musas." I know nothing of his work. 

ZiJSiOA (MATfAS de). 



"Que faire done? Je crois d^finitivement qu'il ne m'est donnd 
■que d'^orire." — Etibnne Pivert de SiiNANOOUE. 

Ceevantes for some time after his marriage, which 
had been brought about in the face of considerable oppo- 
sition on the part of his wife's relatives, continued to reside 
in Esquivias. This little town lies in the province of 
Toledo, about thirty-three Mlomdtres from Madrid, and, 
in Don Quixote's epoch, it enjoyed a certain cenological 
reputation — a circumstance to which Cervantes, who knew 
a, good thing when he tasted it, makes more than one 
characteristic reference. Some parts of the desolate old 
place still show traces of its former industry ; but the 
^lory has long since departed, and the empty-cellared 
Esquivias of to-day must be classed among the meanest, 
the most squalid of small provincial towns/ Cervantes' 

1 " Diccionario geogrdfico-estadistico-histdrico de Espafia y sus 
posesiones de Ultramar por Pascual Madoz" (Madrid, 1846-1850), 
vii. p. 585. 

Ticknor's statement (ii. p. 119) that Cervantes alludes but twice 
to Esquivias is not quite accurate. Besides the references to Esquivias 
in the " Cueva de Salamanca ** and the Pr61ogo to " P^rsiles y Sigis- 
munda," mentioned by TiQknor, Cervantes introduces the name of the 


sojourn there was not entirely due to unfettered choice. 
Business transactions relating to the modest dowry of 
his wife kept him in Esquivias for a while, and its 
proximity to Madrid made it a less impossible abiding- 
place than might be thought, Madrid, which at the 
present time is little more than a superficial, second-rate 
copy of Paris, without the Parisian concentration or the 
Parisian intellectual activity, was in the reign of Philip II. 
the focus of all interests, political, social, and literary. 
In the latter respect, indeed, Valencia had some claims 
to be considered ; and men of wide, deep, and varied 
learning were to be found both in the monasteries and 
in the university towns ; but in the end the highly 
centralised government of the country drew all the 
younger, more ambitious, aspiring intellects to Madrid. 
Self-interest and political pressure combined proved 
irresistible : the intellectual sceptre passed to the 
capital, and the provinces were well-nigh stripped of 
their unfledged talents. Cervantes, while his wife's 
small dot was getting itself arranged, had to look 
about for some means of earning his bread and of 
supporting the members of his family, who would seem 
to have been almost entirely dependent on him. There 
was a rapidly growing taste for the stage, and Cervantes, 
who certainly never lacked self-confidence, determined 

town in " La Elecci(5n de los Alcaldes de Daganzo," in " EI Coloquio 
de los Perros," and in "El Licenciado Vidriera." Perhaps I may- 
mention that Tirso de Molina also, in " La Villana de la Sagra," makes 
Cervantes speak of 

" El soberano licor 
De Esquivias "... (Act I. sc. vi.) 


to appeal to tlie public as a dramatist. The Spanish, 
theatre was still in an inchoate, embryonic state, and he 
may well have imagined in his Quixotic ardour that he 
was born to reduce it to consistency and form. 

The intense struggle with the Moors had for centuries 
absorbed almost the entire energy and talent of the 
nation. It is a commonplace to say that the scene 
reflects the genius of a people, and one might have 
looked for a great national drama with that prolonged 
historic battle for its leading theme. But the stage 
requires leisure and peace as an atmosphere for its full 
development. The existence of the Elizabethan drama 
might, indeed, seem to contradict this dogmatic assertion ; 
but — apart from the fact that the Elizabethan dramatists 
were not, as a rule, men of action — some of the most 
superb, triumphant products of what is roughly styled 
the Elizabethan era were the first-fruits of the reign of 
James. In Spain the conditions necessary to slow 
crystallisation were entirely absent. Song had no time- 
wherein to dress its wing for a sustained flight, and the 
national conflict of ages remains mirrored to us only in 
the fleet, strong lyrics of the Romanceros. The popular 
amusements in Spain, as elsewhere, found their earliest 
outlets in the grossest and most vulgar forms. Jousts 
and buU-fights — the former among the upper classes, 
the latter with the crowd — were among the most 
sesthetic forms of entertainment.^ Egg-throwing and 

1 " Tratado historico sobre el origen y progresos de la Comedia y 
del histrionismo en Espafla. . . . Por D. Casiano Pellicer " (Madrid,, 
1804), i. p. 2. 


tumblers, marionettes and hoop-jumping, blackguard 
songs, giants, dwarfs, monstrosities, menageries, and 
exhibitions of naked women were highly popular.^ A 
pig let loose among a crowd of blind men (who, armed 
with swords, hacked each other to pieces in the vain 
attempt to slay the brute) afforded 'seotiian enjoyment to 
the general.^ The dramatic flame, if it flickered into 
life, was but feebly fanned by the breath of the jongleurs. 
This state of things — the nadir of diversion — was the 
earlier stage of development ; but the dramatic skifi" had 
touched bottom. Granada was captured in 1492, and 
immediately a promise of better things followed. In 
1499 the celebrated Celestina appeared. This tragi- 
comedy, — in its final form the joint work of Cota and of 
Rojas — though it may never have been acted, is above 
all things dramatic in spirit and inspiration, if not in 
form. Its success was unprecedented : it went the 
round of the civilised world: Latin, French, German, 
Italian, and Dutch translations were brought out, and 
in 1631 a tardy version by James Mabbe finally saw 
the light in England under the slightly forbidding title 
of The Spanish Bawd.^ By one of those curious 

^ " Tratado historico sobre el origen y progresos de la Comedia y 
del histrionismo en Espana. . . . For D. Casiano Pellicer " (Madrid, 
1804), i. pp. 2, 5, 8. 

^ " . . . k \o liltimo entre otros regocijos sacaron al medio de la 
plaza un puerco y a unos ciegos armados para matarlo, siendo con- 
dicion que habia de ser de quien lo matase ; y errando por lo comun 
el golpe, le solian aceitar contra si mismos, hiri6ndose malamente, y 
excitando asi la risa publica de los espectadores." Quoted by Pellicer 
(p. 5) from a'MS., apparently by N. Antonio, in the Biblioteca Eeal. 
The same incident is given by the learned Mariana. 

s " Pornoboscodidascalus Latinus. . . . Lingua Hispanica ab in- 


prostitutions of patriotism to which mankind seem 

subject, high claims have been put forward on behalf of 

the Celestina. Men, with every appearance of gravity, 

have been found to declare that the Celestina is a work 

inspired with a high moral purpose ; and Cervantes 

himself, in a copy of burlesque verses prefixed to Don 

Quixote, calls it, half in earnest, a divine book.^ But 

this eccentric judgment cannot be sustained, and critics 

of a later generation are agreed with the verdict 

incidentally given in El Rufidn Cobarde. Bartolomd 

de Torres Naharro published his Propaladia at Naples 

in 1517, but none of his comedies would appear to have 

attained any popular vogue. Living almost entirely in 

certo avctore instar ludi conscriptus' Celestinse titulo. . . . Caspar 
Barthivs. . . . Latio transscribebat " (Franoofurti, 1624). 

"Celestine en laqvelle est Traicte des deceptions des seruiteurs 
enuers leurs Maistres, et des Macquerelles enuers les Amoureux" 
(Paris, 1542). 

" Ain Hipsche Tragedia vo zwaien liebhabendfi. mentschen ainen 
Eitter Calixstus nn ainer Edln junckf rawen Melibia genat " ( Augspurg, 
1520). The translator was Wirsung. 

" Celestina . . . nouamente tradoeta de lingua castigliana in 
italiano idioma" (Venetia, 1519). 

" Celestina, Een tragicomedie van Calisto ende Melibea " (t'Hant- 
■werpen, 1574). 

1 Cp. the prefatory lines "Del Donoso, poeta entreverado, a 
Sancho Panza y Eocinante." 

" Soy Sancho Panza escude — 
Del manchego Don Quijo — 
Puse pies en polvoro — 
Por vivir & lo discre — 

Que el Tacito Villadie — 
Toda su razdn de esta — 
Cifr6 en una retira — 
Segun siente Celesti — 
Libro en mi opini6n divi — " etc. 



Italy, he wrote for Italian audiences, or at least for 
audiences of whicli Italians formed the majority; and it is 
in the highest degree doubtful if any of his plays ever 
saw the Spanish stage. The Tenellaria may deserve 
some mention from the fact that it is written in seven 
languages : but save as a literary curiosity its interest is 
of the slightest.'' In any case, the influence of Cota, 
Rojas, and Castillejo (whose grossly indecent Costanza 

^ A citation from this curious work may serve as an example. I 
quote from the volume edited by D. Manuel Canete in the valuable 
series entitled " Libros de Antano.'' 

" Fdbio. Ecco 14 U portogalese 

Che gli era anchor in presencia. 
Portugues. Nau sei nada. 

la Ue dera hua pancada, 

Que voto a o corpo de Deus ; 

Mais teverenme da spada 

Aqueles porcas judeus. 
Tudesco. Ego non, 

Per Deum. . . . 
Matia. i Qu6 1 Solamente Sevilla 

Puede sacar una hueste. 
Portugues. Eu vos fundo, 

Eu OS concedo o segundo 

Que Sevella he muito boa. . . . 
Miguel- No crideu, 

Que quant vos altres dieu 

Que vuU parlar ab paciencia 

Es no res. . . . 
Vizcaino. Digo, hao, 

Yo criado estds en nao, 

Vizcaino eres por cierto 

Mas iurp i Dios que Bilbao 

La tiene mucho buen puerto. 
Petijan. Nani rien. 

Vus ete Tus sabi bien 

Notre studi de Paris." (Pp. 367, 368, 369.) 


is thought, fortunately, to have perished), if it existed 
at all, was but transitory.^ The real father of the 
Spanish theatre is, by general admission. Lope de Kueda, 
a goldsmith of Seville. The late M. Louis de Viel- 
Castel has thought it necessary to deny to Lope "cetitre 
eclatant"; but the unanimous voice of experts is, on 
this point, against the accomplished Academician, who 
seems inclined, on what I venture to think insufficient 
information, to base Lope's title to fame on the 
material improvements introduced by him in the 
apparatus of the theatre.^ It is not probable that 
Spain was in advance of the rest of Europe in this 
respect, and some reform was urgently needed if the 
pictures drawn of the early theatre have any connection 
with fact. It requires an effort of the imagination to 
realise a stage with Paradise at one end of it, raised by 
a few steps from above the rest of the rude plank 
plateau, where the devil went in and out of a barrel, 
and an inverted wine-cask represented the Mount of 
Temptation. In Juan de Enzina's time, in Spain as 
elsewhere, a red-headed Judas, concealing a crow and 
the entrails of some beast under his coat, allowed his 
disgusting burdens to pass away from him before he 

1 Luiz VeMzquez, however, in his " Origines de la Poesia Castel- 
lana " (Mlilaga, 1754), says that the Oostanza exists in the Library of 
the Eseorial. I am not acquainted with the original work of Velaz- 
quez, which I know only in the translation by Johan Andreas Dieze, 
entitled " Geschichte der Spanischen Dichtkunst " (Gbttingen, 1769). 

" . . . die Oostanza, die in einer Handschrift in der Bibliothek des 

Escurialsliegt" (p. 321). 

2 "Essai sur le thMtre espagnol, par M. Louis de Viel-Castel" 
(Paris, 1882), i, pp. 9, 11. 

M 2 


slid down an obliquely inclined rope to hell in company 
with Satan, in full view of the spectators/ In Lope de 
Rueda's zenith, the stage, consisting of six planks 
supported by four benches laid out square-wise, was 
cut off from the audience by an old blanket, hung on 
two ropes, behind which a few unaccompanied singers 
sang between the acts. The entire apparatus of a 
theatre, says Cervantes, was contained in a bag, and 
there is the less difficulty in accepting the statement 
when it is known that the stage trappings consisted of 
four or five cloaks, staves, wigs, and beards. During 
Lope's career all the characters (excluding, presumably, 
the female parts which were played by boys) appeared 
with beards.^ 

Among other obstacles which lay across the path of 
the aspiring dramatist was the coldness, if not the 
disapprobation, of the Church. The conflict was of long 
standing. The aflfected passions, the feigned loves, 
angers, sighs and tears, the necessary disguises and 
counterfeits of the stage were denounced in the sternest 
terms as early as the first century by Tertu,llian. Can 
it be, he asks bitterly, that the same hands which are 
lifted up to the Almighty are degraded to the applause 
of a mere player? He recalls with fierce exultation 

1 Cp. "Miracle Plays and Sacred Dramas, a Historieal Survey, 
ty Dr. Karl Hase. Translated from the German [Das geistliche 
Schauspiel] by A. W. Jackson, and edited by tbe Eev. W. W. 
Jackson " (London, 1880). The original was published at Leipzig in 

2 Pr61ogo to the "Ocho comedias, y echo entremeses nuevos" 
(Madrid, 1615). 


more than one instance of spectators being struck down 
with a mortal illness on the very day of their visit to 
these vile stews, where obscene buffoons strutted their 
little hour away ; and in a terrible passage of invective 
gloats, with savage anticipatory delight, over the wild, 
despairing shrieks of mummers rising up from the red 
pit of hell.-' Now and then there was a lull in the 
prolonged battle. The comedians, anxious to come to 
terms and meet their enemy half-way, were bold enough 
to elect as their patron saint Genesius, a pagan actor, 
who, originally baptised on the Roman stage in mockery 
of the Christian rite, became a convert and was 
martyred under Diocletian.^ The Church had in her 

1 " Non amat falsam auctor veritatis : adulterium est apud ilium 
omne qiiod fingitur. Proinde vocem, sexus, setafces mentienteni, 
amores, iras, gemitus, lacrymas asseverantem non probabit, qui omnem 
hypocrisin damnat " (Par. xxiii.). 

. . . "illas manus quas ad Deum extuleris, postmodum laudando 
histrionem fatigare? " (Par. xxv.) 

" Constat et alii linteum in somuis ostensum ejus diei nocte que 
tragoedum audierat, cum exprobatione nominatim tragcedi, nee ultra 
quintum diem earn mulierem in sseculo fuisse" (Par. xxvi.). 

"Tunc magis tragcedi audiendi, magis scilicet vocales in sua 
propria calamitate : tunc histriones cognoscendi solutiores multo per 
ignem : tunc spectandus auriga, in flamma rota totus ruber " (Par. 


1 quote from the " De Spectaculis " as printed in the edition of 
TertuUian included in Caillau's "Patres Apostolici" (Paris, 1842). 

Cp. TertuUian's denunciation of the theatre, " quod est privatum 
consistorium impudicitise, ubi nihil probatur, quam quod alibi non 
probatur " (Par. xvii.), with St. Augustine's expression, " caveae 
turpitudinum . . . fora vel moenia, ia quibus dsemonia colebantur " 
(" De consensu evangelistarum,'' i. 33). 

2 Hase, pp. 2-3. It is right to say that great doubt exists 
as to the actual date of the martyrdom of Genesius. It is variously 


own person a painful experience of the invincible 
passion of the public for any kind of dramatic spectacle. 
Actresses of infamous repute had crept into the palaces 
and the affections of great prelates in a manner so 
flagrant as to call down the indignant fulminations of 
the Provincial Council of Toledo/ In many lands, but 
especially in France, to the anger and scandal of all 
decent persons, the Feast of Fools had become an 
established celebration, and the faithful saw, with 
indignant horror, the very sanctuary of the great 
cathedrals polluted by a shameless ceremonial, during 
which an ass — a thrice-hallowed beast — bearing a 
vestment on its back and a mitre on its head, was led 
to the high altar by some members of the clergy, while 
a disgusting travesty of the religious rites was per- 
formed and the orgiastic chorus of ecclesiastical and lay 
buffoons broke out into some such hideous canticle as — 

Amen dicas, Asine, 
Jam satur ex gramine, 
Amen, amen itera, 
Aspernare Vetera, 
H6, sire Asne, h6 ! 

Then the priest intoned his Deus in adjutorium, and 
the general congregation raised a blackguard refrain of 
hee-haws, followed by the vilest and most undisguised 
indecencies. The grotesque formularies of Isis, with a 
tame bear dressed in women's clothes, an ape decked 
with the Phrygian cap, and an ass bestridden by a 

stated to have occurred in 285, 286, and 303. A similar legend with 
regard to Gelasinus of Heliopolis is attributed to the year 297. 
1 Pellicer, pp. 9-10. 


decrepit dotard, in parody of the fable of Bellerophon 
and Pegasus — these grotesque improprieties, which had 
scandalised easy-going pagans, were now outdone in the 
desecrated temples of Christian worship.^ 

The Church may well have thought that, as nothing 
could sink beneath this blasphemous burlesque of sacred 
things, introduced into the holy places by her chosen 
sons, terms might be made with the unspeakable 
enemy. The Moralities and Mystery-plays — which are 
represented in Spain by Juan de Enzina's eclogues, 
and in England by the Chester Plays — were performed 
in churches with the ecclesiastical approval.^ As 
recently as 1542 they were thus given in England ; and 
it seems certain that in Spain the truce had lasted 
sufficiently long to allow of Lope de Eueda's pastorals 
being represented in the chief cathedrals of the land. 
But the contest was not yet over. More than two 
generations later the celebrated Jesuit Mariana, in a 
well-known tractate, contended against the patent 
hypocrisy by which the comedians sheltered themselves 
beneath the threadbare cloak of the pious confraternities 
who gave representations with a view to collecting 
funds for the poor. The vanity of the shameless 

1 Cp. Du Tilliot's learned " M^moires pour servir h. I'histoire de 
la Fgte des Fous" (Lausanne at Geneve, 1741)-a work of curious 
erudition which is scarcely likely to be superseded. See also the well- 
known passage in Apuleius (" Metamorphoseon," lib xi ). 

2 T-Lna is most accessible in Juan NicoMs Bohl von Faber's 
«T«H.tro Expand anterior A Lope de Vega" (Hamburgo, 1832), 

T38 The Chester Plays may be followed m Mr. Thomas 
^^' Z' edition, printed for the Shakespeare Society (London, 
Wright s 



amateur still lurks behind the same flimsy curtain. 
The fact may serve as a measure of progress. To the 
learned, holy priest it was a frightful thought that there 
existed on the planet well-intentioned but misguided 
men, who could imagine that the canonised saints of God 
were honoured by the performance of mundane plays, 
and who further conceived, in their blind infatuation, 
that actors could be admitted to the sacraments of the 
Church.^ That unworthy members of the clergy could 
be found to assist at these licentious exhibitions filled 
the saintly writer with horror and consternation. 
Almost a century later the controversy raged as hotly 
as ever. The illustrious Bossuet could find no gentler 
phrase than " this scandalous dissertation " for the 
moderate, Laodicean treatise in which the Theatine 
father Caffaro had put forward a half-hearted defence of 
the stage. To the mind of the mighty bishop the poor 
stroller's was still an infame metier, nor could he refer 
to the death of Molifere without a shudder for the post- 
mortem destiny of the great comedian, to whom he 
applies the quotation: "Woe unto you that laugh now! 
for ye shall mourn and weep." ^ Jeremy Collier's 

1 " Joannis Marianae e Societatis Jesu Tractatus VII." (Coloniae 
Agrippinae, 1609). The "De Spectaculis " is the third treatise. The 
titles of App. viii. and ix. are suggestive in Mariana's Spanish version 
of his work ; " Que las mujeres no deben salir a las comedias a repre- 
sentar:" " Que los farsantes estan privados de los sacramentos.'' It 
would perhaps be undesirable to quote from Mariana's text in a work 
intended for general circulation. He simply hated and loathed the 
degraded beings whom he scornfully styled liombres comicos. 

^ Cp. Bossuet's "Maximes et E^fiexions sur la Com^die." "La 
posterity saura peut-etre la fin de ce poete com^dien, qui, en jouant 


fulmination against dramatists for "Their Swearing, 
Profaneness and Lewd Application of Scripture; Their 
Abuse of the Clergy; Their making Their Top 
Characters Libertines, and giving them Success in their 
Debauchery" is scarcely more violent than their 
denunciation by Bossuet, who, like Mariana, is espe- 
cially horrified at the vicarious participation of the 
clergy in these infamous doings/ 

The enemy faints not, nor faileth, 

And as things have been they remain. 

In Boston, the most recent home of generous culture 
and enlightened liberty, as late as 1792 an American 
comedian was arrested on the heinous charge of having 
acted in the School for Scandal.^ 

Still, as we have seen, both sides would agree from 
time to time to call a truce ; and during one of these 

son Malade imaginaire ou son Medecin par force, rejut la derni^re 
atteinte de la maladie dont il mourut peu d'heures aprfes, et passa des 
plaisanteries du th^^tre, parmi lesqueUes il rendit presque le dernier 
soupir, an tribunal de celui qui dit : Malheur a vous qui riez ! car 
vous pleurerez.'' Bossuet had a short way with actors. His policy 
is summed up in five trenchant words : " Fermer k jamais le th6Stre." 
I quote from the " (Euvres " of Bossuet, printed in the " Pantheon 
Litt^raire " (xi. pp. 458-480). 

1 "A Short View of the Immorality and Profaneness of the 
English Stage. By Jeremy Collier" (London, 1698), p. 2. 

2 "History of the People of the United States from the Kevo- 
lution to the Civil "War. By John Bach M'Master" (New York, 
1883), i. p. 94. The culprit's name was Harper. I take this oppor- 
tunity of acknowledging my admiration for Mr. M'^Master's book, 
which seems to me unrivalled in its kind. Indeed, the only American 
historian who deserves to be named in the same breath with him is 
Mr. Parkman, and it has been to me a source of amused surprise that 
these two remarkable writers are so little read in England. 


favourable interludes it must have been that Cervantes 
and a keen-eyed boy, famous in after life as Antonio 
"•Perez, saw Lope de Rueda in some cathedral, or, 
perhaps, in the most convenient public square/ "We 
know next to nothing of Lope's versos pastoriles, so 
highly commended by Cervantes ; and it must be ad- 
mitted that his set pieces, Eufemia, Armelina, Los 
Enganos, and Medora, are not very allicient examples 
of high comedy. Of these, the Eufemia, the motive of 
which may be described as an amalgam of the story of 
Susanna and Imogen, is distinctly the most successful 
attempt ; and the final scene, in which the heroine, in 
the presence of Valiano, exposes the villainy of Paulo, is 
given with a vivacity and precision previously unknown 
to the Spanish stage. The Coloquio de Timhrio and the 
Coloquio de Camila are written in a more ambitious 
style, but the laboured ejBFort at elevated diction con- 
trasts ludicrously with the undignified train of thought 
followed by the speakers. The most representative, as 
well as the most fruitful, of Lope's productions remain 
to us in such of his pasos as Las Aceitunas, El Con- 
vidado, and El Rufidn Cobarde. Of these, the first 
(and distinctly the best) deals amusingly with a violent 
quarrel between Toruvio and his wife Agueda over the 
price to be charged for olives as yet unplanted ; the 
second treats, with much freshness and spirit, the 
threadbare story of a man inviting another to dine with 
him, well knowing that there is no dinner for either 

1 Cp. the "Epistolario Espanol por D. Eugenio Ochoa," p. 548 
(Eivadeneyra's " Biblioteca," xiii.). 


himself or his guest ; and in the third there is a 
ludicrous picture of the character of Sigiienza, the in- 
carnation of the swaggering, cowardly bully of the age. 
This type — a favourite one with Lope, who has handled 
it also in the character of Gargullo in the Medora — is 
obviously modelled after a study of Pyrgopolinices in 
the Miles Gloriosus or Therapontigonus Platagidorus in 
the Curulio. Lope de Euela may or may not have read 
Theocritus, as his admirers declare ; ^ it is as certain as 
anything can be that, by some means or other, he had 
obtained a very workmanlike, serviceable knowledge of 
Plautus. Lope is best seen, as we have said, in his 
pasos ; the story is clearly and definitely displayed, and 
the whole is written in a simple, natural key. Nowhere 
in the pasos do we find any absurdity to equal that in 
the Armelina, where Neptune and Medusa intervene to 
settle the difi"erences of a parcel of Andaiusian black- 
smiths and serving- wenches. The pasos (save in the 
matter of length) and the comedies may be likened to 
such productions as Gammer Gurton's Needle. There 
is in Lope the same boisterous humour, the same coarse 
wit, seasoned (though to a less degree) with the same 
coarse jokes which we meet with in Still. The 
triumphant efiect of Lope's plays on their audiences was 
doubtless due to his excellence as an actor — an excel- 

1 Cp. the preface dedicatory to Gregorio L6pez Madera wHch is 
prefixed to the "Trezena parte de las Comedias de Lope de Vega 
Carpio" (Barcelona, 1620). "El uso de Espana no admite las 
rusticas Bucolicas de Teocrito, antiguamete imitadas del famoso Poeta 
Lope de Rueda." The most convenient reference to most readers 
■wUI, douhtless, he Eivadeneyra, xli. p. 157. 


lence probably unsurpassed on the Spanish stage. 
Senancour's pregnant observation is to the point : "Four 
les pieces dont le genre est le comique du second ordre, il 
pent suffice que Vacteur principal ait un vrai talent."^ 
According to all available evidence, Lope de Eueda was 
himself a consummate embodiment of all the conditions 
necessary for success, according to the gospel of Ober- 

His immediate successor was the Toledan Naharro. 
Nothing from Naharro's pen — so far as I know — has 
come down to us. He, and not Lope de Eueda, deserves 
M. Louis de Viel-Castel's eulogy, for he is known to 
posterity, not merely as an admirable comedian, but 
also as the father of stage- management in Spain. He it 
was, as Cervantes tells us, who brought the musicians 
before the curtain, abolished the senseless custom which 
had grown up of every actor playing in a beard, and he 
it is who deserves whatever immortality is due to the 
inventor of side-scenes, stage thunder, and mimic battles.^ 
We have seen the appreciation with which the Italian 
comedians were received in England. In Spain a similar 
Schwdrmerei was called forth by Ganasa, whose consum- 
mate art was a revelation to the Spanish public. This 
celebrated Italian invaded Spain with his troupe in 
157 L^ His success was immediate and complete. He 

1 " Obermann par De S6nancour. Avec une preface de Sainte- 
Beuve" (Paris, 1833), i. pp. 208-209. 

^ Prdlogo al Lector ("Comedias"). 

2 I must confess that I find mucli difficulty in following, or 
adjusting, the involved chronology of Pellicer. Ganasa, according to 
that useful writer (i. p. 53), arrived in Spain in 1574. He seems to 


forced a faint, reluctant smile from the thin lips of 
Philip, and thirty years later his performances were 
still the delight of a younger generation of playgoers. '^ 
He would seem to have played almost the entire range 
of theatrical characters with immense effect, and the fact 
that he excelled especially as a mime is not likely to be 
held against him by those who remember that Garrick, 
no lenient judge, classed the mime Sachi among the 
three best comic actors of the world in his day/ 

Things were at this pass when Cervantes came 
forward with that invincible buoyancy which never left 
him. He was ready for anything: "tragedy, comedy, 
history, pastoral, pastoral -comical, historical -pastoral, 
tragical - historical, tragical - comical - historical - pastoral, 
scene individable or poem unlimited " — the managers 
had but to ask, and he was prepared to supply them 
with masterpieces for ever. His old favourites. Lope de 
Eueda and Naharro, had done admirably well ; but he 
was born, he thought, to show a more excellent way. 

Curiously enough, so contagious, so irresistible was 
his sublime self-confidence that he actually persuaded 

have been still playing in 1579 (i. p. 72). Are we then to under- 
stand that Ganasa's first tour extended over five years ? Yet it seems 
difficult to attach any other meaning to Pellicer's phrase : " Sin 
dada seria este" [i.e. el ano 1603] "el tiempo de su segunda venida'' 
(i. p. 73). 

1 " Dicese que Felipe II. en medio de su seriedad gustaba de las 
comedias mimicas de Alberto Ganasa." — Pellicer, i. p. 74. 

2 See M. Kelly's "Reminiscences" (London, 1826), i. p. 49. 
Sachi was, apparently, a Venetian. The others of this interesting 
trio were CassacieUo, at Naples, and Prdville, at the Com^die 


managers into a belief in Mm. Most of his dramatic 
work is lost to us, and we must form our judgment 
chiefly on the Numancia and on the volume of plays 
published in 1615/ But we know on his own testi- 
mony that he produced some twenty or thirty comedies 
— tbe delightful vagueness of the statement is 
eminently characteristic — which, if not highly distin- 
guished, at least escaped being hissed off the stage. We 
can only judge by what we know, and the specimens 
whicb have survived for us were hardly likely to set 
the world ablaze. Fanatical adorers of Cervantes have 
been found to worship his dramatic genius, but it 
requires the eye of faith to see any very high form of 
dramatic talent in the examples which have come down 
to us. These judicious friends who have seen in his 
plays an occult wealth of wisdom and a constant rich- 
ness of psychological reference are of the same kidney as 
those too ingenious Teutonic commentators, who have 

1 Among the lost plays are La Batalla Naval, La Jermalen, La 
Amaranta 6 La del Mayo, El Bosque Amoroso, La Unua y la Bizarra 
Arsinda, and La Gonfasa (cp. the " Adjunta al Parnaso)." We may 
probably assume with safety that another play, entitled La Gran 
Turquesea, is identical with La Gran Sultana, printed in the volume 
published in 1615. La Gonfusa would seem to have been the author's 
favourite among his plays : 

" Say por quien la Gonfusa nada fea 

Pareci6 en los teatros admirable, 

Si esto k su fama es gusto se le crea " (Viaje, c. iv.). 
Cp. also the " Adjunta al Parnaso " : " Mas la que yo mas estimo, y 
do la que mas me precio, fu^ y es, de una Uamada La Gonfusa, la 
cual, con paz sea dicho de cuantas comedias de capa y espada hasta hoy 
se han representado, bien puede tener lugar senalado por buena entre 
las mejores.'' 


made themselves ridiculous by the curious moral lec- 
tures, the quaint evangels which they have discovered 
in Shakspere. 

The Numancia probably saw the stage in 1585-6, 
but it remained unprinted till 1784, when it, was 
published by Antonio de Sancha in a volume containing 
also the Viaje del Parnaso and the Trato de Argel. 
Sancha never deigned to inform the curious public 
where the Numancia was discovered, nor how he came 
by it; but the putative parentage ascribed to it is 
borne out fully enough by internal evidence. It has 
had the good fortune to receive the suffrages of critics 
the most eminent and diverse. Men as far apart in 
constitution as Sismondi and Schlegel have united in 
admiring it. Ticknor and Lemcke have crowned it 
with their judicial approbation ; and — by no means the 
least of its happy experiences — it has been translated 
excellently well by the late Mr. Gibson.^ If scholastic 
authority could silence criticism, if literary dogmatism 
could stereotype opinion, then the Numancia might be 

1 Cp. "La Litterature du midi de I'Europe " (Paris, 1813), iii. 
370-391, 401-406, and August Wilhelm von Schlegel's "Vorle- 
sungen liber dramatisclie Kunst und Litteratur " (" Werke," Leipzig, 
1846), vi. 379-380. Sismondi's judgment is worth quoting: "La 
trag^die ne fait pas r^pandre de larmes, mais le frisson de I'horreur et 
de I'effroi devient presque un suppUce pour le spectateur. C'est un 
premier symptdme du changement que Philippe II. et les autos da fe 
avaient oper6 dans la nation castillane." ... 

Cp. also the "Handbuch der Spanischen Litteratur von Ludwig 
Lemcke " (Leipzig, 1855-1856), iii. 113 et seq. ; Ticknor, ii. pp. 125- 

" Numantia. Translated from the Spanish with introduction and 
notes by James T. Gibson" (London, 1885). 


left undisturbed on the pedestal where enthusiastic 
optimism has placed it ; and, indeed, it may be readily 
granted that it is Cervantes' most successful dramatic 
effort. Mr. Gibson, with a generous ardour which does 
honour to his heart, but which only tends to darken 
wisdom, has compared the Numancia to the Seven 
against T/iehes and the Persians. It seems scarcely 
possible that any one can regard the ^schylean drama 
as dramatic in the modern sense. Nobility, vigour, 
imaginative power, lyrical abundance — it has them 
all — it has everything, save only the dramatic instinct. 
Something of these qualities, diluted and enfeebled, 
flows through the sonorous metres of the Numancia. 
It is essentially undramatic : but it possesses something 
of the severe splendour, the virility, the mournful 'AvajKr; 
of the great Athenian. The theme is susceptible 
enough of heroic treatment, since it deals with that 
immortal defence against Scipio which the necessities of, 
space and the frigidity of the historian usually dismiss 
in a few peremptory lines. The despairing valour, the 
frantic heroism of the children of Thunder, their in- 
domitable patriotism are, in Cervantes' play, deftly 
mingled with the pathetic love story of Lyra and 
Morandro and the self-sacrificing friendship of Leoncio. 
A glorious historic incident, reflected through the lenses 
of centuries, might well awake a glow of eloquent 
patriotism ; but beyond eloquence, brilliant and fervid, 
the play scarcely goes. Yet its fine, intoxicating 
quality may be measured when we read the judgment 
of the frigid Ticknor on the invocation of the corpse 


by Marquino : " There is nothing of so much dignity in 
the incantations of Marlowe's Faustus . . . nor does 
even Shakespeare demand from us a sympathy so 
strange with the mortal head reluctantly rising to 
answer Macbeth's guilty question." ^ II y a des 
reproches qui louent et des louanges qui mMisent. 
One could not say more if one were dealing with a 
masterpiece ; and, with all reverence for Cervantes' 
genius, the Numancia is far from being a masterpiece. 
It is faulty in conception, hesitating in movement, 
uncertain in execution. The abstractions occupy too 
vast a space : and the choric utterances of War, Sickness, 
and Hunger (not to speak of Spain, Duero, Orvion, 
Tera, and Minuesa) are a weariness and an affliction. 
Still it has, within limits, the true lyrical rapture, the 
genuine expressive note of hopeless passion and dis- 
dainful pain. No other play in the wide sweep of 
Spanish literature is so penetrated with what Schlegel 
styles the energische Pathos, the superb motive of 
unflinching patriotism, the candid vision of heroic 
contest. The rhetoric, if exuberant, is sincere ; if too 
resounding, it is, at least, earnest and direct. More 
than two hundred years later, while the cannon of 
Mortier, Junot, and Lannes thundered round tli^e 
citadel held by the valiant Palafox, the besieged citizens 
of Zaragoza hailed with patriotic enthusiasm another, 
and perhaps a final, representation of the Numancia.^ 

1 Ticknor, ii. p. 128. 

2 It may be worth while to mention a parallel case in this con- 
nection. Martinez de la Kosa's tragedy " La Viuda de Padilla," 


With the exception of El Trato de Argel, no other 
play of this period has survived. But we are not with- 
out means of judging that Cervantes' success as a 
dramatist was less triumphant than he had once hoped. 
So much might be inferred from his sudden retirement 
from the scene. Some thirty years later, the then cele- 
brated author of Don Quixote published a volume of 
unacted plays which he had previously hawked the 
round of all the managers and booksellers of Madrid.^ 
No one would look at them. Managers, publishers, and 
actors were unanimously agreed that nothing drama- 
tically good could come from that pen. It can scarcely 
be conceived that the "writer's reputation as a playwright 
had ever stood very high, nor does an examination of 
his sorry volume lead to any reversal of the contem- 
porary verdict. 

In El Gallardo Espanol, the scene of which is laid 
in Oran, Fernando de Saavedra is challenged to single 
combat by the Moor Alimuzel, at the instigation of his 
mistress Arlaja, whose interest in Saavedra rests entirely 
on his fame. The Spanish commander refusing the 
necessary permission, Saavedra escapes to the enemy's 
lines, where, passing himself off as a Mahometan con- 
imitated from, or rather influenced by, Alfieri, was produced at Cadiz 
in 1812 during the bombardment of the city by the French. " Obras 
completas de D. Francisco Martinez de la Eosa" (Paris, 1844-1845), 
ii. pp. 29-30. 

1 The statement in the text may require some modification. There 
can be very little doubt that the volume of plays published in 1615 
included pieces written at great intervals, some of which had been 
accepted and others rejected by the managers. (Cp. the Adjunta al 
Parnaso.) StUl, the title-page of the book gives one pause. 


vert, he meets the captive Margarita, with whom he had 
previously had some love passages. In a general assault 
on Oran, Saavedra suddenly turns, beats off the infidel, 
declares himself a Christian, and is forgiven by his chief. 
The marriages of Saavedra and Margarita on the one 
side, and of Alimuzel and Arlaja on the other, are 
the appropriate conclusion. There is a certain in- 
solent verve in this play which has its attraction. La 
Casa de los CeLos is the most unmitigated rubbish. It 
would be hopeless to attempt to analyse a play in which 
are set forth the rivalries of Eeinaldos and Eoldan for 
Angelica — a play in which Venus, Fear, Charles the 
Great, Despair, Merlin, Jealousy, Curiosity, and Cupid 
are introduced. Enough, surely, to know that Angelica 
is finally left in the care of an unnamed Grand Duke of 
Bavaria, while Charles and his twin amorous paladins go 
forth on a crusade against the Moors. In Los Banos de 
Argel (which is a variant of El Trato de Argel) we are 
asked to follow the loves of the captives Fernando de 
Andrada and Constanza. Caurali, governor of Algiers, 
becomes enamoured of Constanza, and his wife Alima 
seeks consolation from Fernando. Finally, Zara, a con- 
verted Moorish girl, helps Fernando, Constanza, and the 
other Christian prisoners to escape, and, herself flying 
to Spain, the play closes with the usual quadrilateral 
marriage — Fernando and Constanza, with Zara and a 
certain Don Lope, figuring as the principals. 

El Rufidn Dichoso sets forth the eventful legend of 
Crist6bal de Lugo, who, after a stormy youth in Spain, 
becomes a saintly Dominican friar in Mexico, takes on 

N 2 


himself the sins of Dona Ana de Trevino, is struck with 
leprosy, and dies prior of his monastery. In La Gran 
Sultana we have the true story of a beautiful captive, 
who becomes the wife of the Grand Turk on the express 
condition that she is allowed to retain her faith. This 
case, and that of El Rufidn Dichoso, would seem more 
suitable for dissection by the hagiologist and moral theo- 
logian than for dramatic treatment. The real interest of 
La Gran Sultana, such as it is, centres upon what should 
be the subsidiary love affair of Clara and Lamberto, 
while a slight relief to the barbaric monotony of the 
play is afforded by the buffooneries of Madrigal. The 
Laberinto de Amor is written in a more ambitious style, 
a more involved manner, a manner which savours 
strongly of Lope's influence. Eosamira, daughter of the 
Duke of Novara, is betrothed to Manfredo, Duke of 
Eosena. Dagoberto, son of the Duke of Urbino, in the 
presence of Eosena's ambassador forbids the banns on 
the (perhaps irrelevant) ground that Eosamira is already 
dishonoured by an intrigue with an unnamed lover. 
The lady, confronted with her accuser, listens to the 
charge in silence, and, refusing to reply, is imprisoned. 
Anastasio, son of the Duke of Orlan, disguised as a 
peasant, rebukes Dagoberto for his slander. Julia and 
Porcia then appear on the scene (as shepherds named 
Camilo and Eutilio), and discover themselves as, re- 
spectively, the sisters of Anastasio and Dagoberto. 
Manfredo has just heard of Eosamira's calamity, when a 
herald from Dorldn's Court appears with a challenge 
from his lord, who charges the luckless Manfredo with 


the abduction of Julia and Porcia. In the meanwhile, 
Eosamira's innocence or guilt, it has been decided, shall 
be submitted to the infallible arbitrament of arms. 
Anastasio, Eosamira's champion, induces Porcia to enter 
the cell of the imprisoned beauty with a message. Porcia 
accordingly, in the masquerade of a countrywoman, 
enters the cell and changes clothes with Eosamira. In 
the lists, a messenger from Dagoberto appears, admitting 
that the charges against Eosamira are false — the best 
proof of which, as Urbino's son drily says, is that he is 
about to marry her himself. Manfredo and Julia, Porcia 
and Anastasio, pair off, and the play ends in the approved 

A farcical motive is manifest throughout La Entre- 
tenida. Antonio confides to his sister Marcela his love 
for a namesake of hers, who resembles her in every way. 
While she ponders over what she fears may be an in- 
cipient incestuous passion, Cardenio, instructed by her 
flunkey Munoz, successfully palms himself off as her 
betrothed American cousin, Silvestre de Almendarez. 
The embarrassments which follow the imposture are 
neatly worked out by the appearance of the true suitor : 
and the comedy ends with the exposure of Cardenio, the 
refusal of the Papal dispensation to Marcela and Almen- 
d!4rez, and the repulsion of the maid Cristina by both 
Quinones and Ocaua. In Pedro de Urdemalas we have 
the hero as factotum to the leather-headed Alcalde 
Crispo. Leaving the Alcalde in the lurch, Pedro joins a 
company of gipsies, falls in love with Belica, and, next 
day, takes part in a performance "commanded" by the 


King and Queen. The attention of the King to Belica 
arouses the jealousy of his consort, and finally the hand- 
some gipsy is discovered to be the daughter of the 
Queen's brother. In the natural course of things, Belica 
remains at Court, while Pedro, not wholly disconsolate, 
remains with his strollers. 

In the Entreineses the bright, mirthful side of the 
writer's character is uppermost. In the set dramas we 
only see the marked limitations of a gift hampered by 
the restraining conditions of production. In the En- 
tremeses are discernible some indications of a talent, 
not ample indeed, but pleasing, aflfable, clear. This is 
only to say, in other words, that a man may fail 
hideously as a writer of -high comedy, and may yet 
produce a very tolerable farce. To analyse these 
agreeable trifles is impossible. Their greatest attraction 
for us lies in the side lights which they cast upon the 
writer's idiosyncrasy. Thus it is not without interest 
to find him, in El Juez de les Divorcios, poking fun at 
the poets who produced sonnets with as great a facility 
as that with which the spider spins his web ; or at tbe 
wives who modestly assumed that their untempted, 
and therefore unspotted, chastity compensated for an 
entire lack of every other virtue under heaven ; or, in 
El Rujidn Viudo, to read his good-humoured banter 
of those (of course, fictitious) ladies who fondly imagine 
that a too-wise minimism, as regards their age, deceives 
a credulous generation ; or, again, to note that the 
exquisite gustatory sense of Juan Berrocal in La 
Eleccidn de los Alcaldes de Daganzo is put , forward 


as a recommendation for office ; or, in the Guarda 
Ciudadosa to light on the quizzing shoemaker, who 
remarks that a glosa with the ghastly refrain of 
" Chinelas de mis entranas " must be Lope de Vega's, 
as are all such good things ; or, in M Retablo de 
las Maravillas, to listen to Benito EepoUo solemnly- 
expounding a deep philosophy which associates wisdom 
with great beards ; or, in La Cueva de Salamanca, 
to watch the writer dealing his retributory blow at his 
old enemies the sacristans ; or, in M Viejo Celoso, to 
meet with a somewhat unwonted girding at monks ; 
or, in Los Hdbladores, to observe how Roldan anti- 
cipates the frantic bombast of Holofernes. Every one 
who has stayed in Seville will give a sympathetic 
approval to a passage in La Gdrcel de Sevilla, which 
by implication condemns the pestilence that walketh in 
darkness in that loveliest of Spanish cities ; and those 
(no doubt benighted) persons who fail to see the 
poetry of the Christian Year will be amused -with 
Pero Diaz's definition of sacred poetasters in JEl 
Hospital de los Podridos : " Estos que hacen villancicos 
la noche de Navidad, que dicen mil disparates, con 
mezcla de herejla." 

The interest of the Entremeses, then, is personal. 
They show us the careless author, fond of a joke, his 
ease, a bottle of Esquivias wine : less fond of crapulous 
sacristans, village bores, and pimbSches. But, if the 
interest of the Entremeses is personal, the interest of 
the more formal plays is equally, though in a different 
sense, personal throughout. We have seen in the 


Prologo of the plays of 1615 the stress which Cervantes 
lays upon the material improvements of the stage. We 
can imagine the altitude of the sublime punto which 
they had attained when we read the curious stage 
directions given in the Numancia? One of Cervantes' 
most acute delusions was that he was the first great 
reformer who cut down the five acts of a play to three. 
I confess that I cannot attach as much importance to 
this trivial change as the late Mr. John Chorley.^ But 
probably every one would be willing to admit that the 
innovation, though by no means without its own dis- 
advantages, was rational enough. Other claims have 
been advanced — those of Artieda and Virues, for 
example — but it is certain that the credit of its 
introduction (be it great or small) is due to Francisco 
de Avendailo, who produced the Florisea in this form 
as far back as 1551, when Cervantes was still a child.* 
Probably nothing would have annoyed Cervantes more 

1 E.g. : "A este punto ban de entrar los mas soldados que 
pudieran y Gayo Mario, armados a. la antigua, sin arcabuces " 
(Jornada I.). " Con el aqua de la redoma data bana el hierro de la 
lanza, y luego hiere en la tabla, y debajo 6 sueltense cobetes, 6 bagase 
el rumor el barril de piedras " (Jornada II.). 

For tbe later arrangements in tbe auditorium, cp. "Eelacidn de 
las cosas sucedidas en la Cdrte de Espana desde 1599 basta 1614. 
Obra escrita por Don Luis Cabrera de C6rdoba, Criado y Cronista del 
rey Don Felipe II." (Madrid, 1857), p. 298. 

2 (Fraser's Magazine, July, 1859, p. 53). " Notes on tbe National 
Drama in Spain," a most suggestive essay, to wbich my obligations 
are considerable. 

3 " Catdlogo bibliogr^fico y biogr4fico del teatro antiguo espanol 
desde sus origenes basta mediados del siglo XVIII. por D. Cayetano 
Alberto de la Barrera y Leirado " (Madrid, 1860), p. 19. 


than to find that he had been anticipated in what he 
clearly thought to be a most beneficent reform. 

In the plays, we find the writer recording his 
impressions of those stolen revels of which, years ago, 
he had been the agonarch in Algiers. We see him 
faintly disguised under the translucent allonym of 
Saavedra in El Gallardo JEspanol, or, again, figuring 
beneath the same diaphanous mask in El Trato de 
ArgeU His old tyrants, Arnaut Mami and Hassan, are 
met with in El Trato de Argel and Los Bancs de Argel. 
In La Casa de los Celos we see the passing infiuence 
of SL modish literary craze. Einaldo's speech, penetrated 
with preciosite, is made up of 

Taffeta phrases, silken terms precise. 

Three piled hyperboles, spruce affectation. 
Figures pedautieal, 

after the manner of the straitest sect of the Gongorists 
— a manner which charmed the Spanish courtiers as 
much as it delighted Eosaline's lover in the King of 
Navarre's park, and which proved a source of mingled 
pleasure and bewilderment to the mighty Lope de Vega. 
It must be admitted, however, that no one would 
ever turn the leaves of a single act of these plays had 
not the writer been Cervantes. Mr. Chorley is scarcely 
too severe when he says that " worse attempts, indeed, 

1 As an example of Cervantes' carelessness about trifles, it may- 
be noted that he had forgotten the name of this piece when he 
wrote the " Viaje del Parnaso/' where he styles it Los tratos de Argel 


no man of transcendent genius has ever made." It is 
only as the tertiary work of a transcendent genius that 
they continue in all ages to find curious readers. Yet, 
save in the cases of some fanatical biographers, no one 
can be found to say a good word for them — the Numancia 
always excepted. His own countrymen have been the 
foremost to revolt ; and the loyal Lampillas has been 
driven desperately to assert that the publishers sup- 
pressed Cervantes' comedies, and substituted forged 
rubbish instead. It would be difficult to point to a 
stronger instance of the credulity of hero-worship.-' 

When Cervantes' plays appeared, the drama in Spain, 
as the distinguished writer above quoted has said, was 
scarcely accounted as literature. Plays were not serious 
things, in any sense ; they were but the playthings of 
an hour, elegant trifles, mere cosas de entretenimiento. 
And so Cervantes himself would seem to have regarded 
them. They were to him so many vehicles for the 
utterance of his personal feelings, his likings, his resent- 
ments, his individual impressions of men and things : 

1 Cp. Thom4s de Erauso y Zavaleta's " Discurso Critico sobre . . . 
las Comedias de Espana" (Madrid, 1750), p. 9: "El estilo de 
Cervantes, es cierto, que desdice mucho del presente : no se pueden 
leer sus comedias sin molestia del oido, y aun del entendimiento." 
Cp. also the " Saggio Storico-Apologetico della Letteratura Spagnuola 
. . . del Signor Abate D. Saverio Lampillas " (Geneva, 1778-81), 
iv. pp. 181-182: " lo dunque a vista di queste riflessioni direi, che 
nella publicazione di quelle otto commedie ebbe il Cervantes 1' istessa 
disgrazia, che in tante altre ebbero il Lope di Vega, il Montalvan, il 
Calderon, ed altri, come altrove diremo; cio6, che la malizia degli 
Stampatori sotto il nome, e prologo di Cervantes, pubblic6 quelle 
stravaganti commedie conforini al corrotto gusto del volgo, sopprimendo 
le genuine del Cervantes, o trasformandole del tutto.'' 


and, as such, every stroke in them is of pleasing interest. 
This is not to say that he was not proud of his dramatic 
work ; no man admired it half as much as he did. No 
music was, sweeter to his ears than the hoarse applause of 
the mosqueteros of the pit. No man was more sublimely 
confident of the sincerity of his own mission ; no man 
more certain that he deserved success. Years afterwards, 
when he had found his true way, when the fame of the 
author of Don Quixote was gone abroad in every land, 
he still turned his wistful eyes to the memory of the 
days when he had hoped to win immortality upon the 
stage. Nor does he ever seem to have imagined that 
the cause of failure lay in himself. Even his hopeful 
spirit was a little staggered by the knowledge that his 
plays could get no hearing. That was a fact which no 
amount of self-delusion could blink ; and Cervantes 
accounted for it by assuming, not that his plays were 
poor, but that he had fallen on evil days. 

This somewhat self-complacent explanation, though 
incomplete, is not without more reasonable ground than 
appears at first sight. No one can read the Numancia 
without thinking that Cervantes was capable of much 
better dramatic work than he actually produced, and 
without wondering why that better work was never 
forthcoming. The truth is that he had not arrived at a 
happy moment for himself. His own dramatic taste lay 
in the direction of the approved classical models. He 
was all for precedent, all for treading as closely as might 
be in the steps of the old-time masters, and in the 
Numancia he has presented the embodiment of his 


dramatic ideals. But the popular taste ran in a very 
different channel. The national spirit had risen, was 
rising, very high. Spain, if it purchased unity at the 
price of freedom, was at least and at last united. Leon 
and Castile, Andalusia and Aragon, were integral parts 
of one strong kingdom. The final stronghold of the 
infidel invader had been recovered. The last faint 
flicker of civic independence was stamped, out at Zara- 
goza. Portugal was now added as the last stone to the 
imperial edifice, and, while the peninsula for the first 
time was swayed by one sceptre, the proud banner of 
the victorious Spaniards floated on the two extremes of 
a new world. Spain was the mistress of the earth. 

To her no more the bastion'd fort 
Shot out its swarthy tongue of fire ; 
From hay to bay, from port to port, 
Her coming was the world's desire. 

Such at least was the Spanish legend. The names of 
Cortes and Pizarro, of Charles V. and the Great 
Captain, of Alva and Don John, were in all men's 
mouths from the Arctic Circle to Cape Comorin, from 
the frozen Caspian to the still, long billows of the vast 
Pacific. These men, whatever their faults may have 
been, — and their faults were not small — were great 
among the greatest ; at least, the Spaniard thought so, 
and he further thought that, in placing Spain upon the 
topmost pinnacle of glory, they builded better than they 


Their achievements, resounding through the world, 
fanned the embers of the national pride into an intense 


■white flame. Their success intensified, it even cari- 
catured the lineaments of the national characteristics. 
In a word, it brought to birth the EspanoUsmo of 
Spain. Matamores, Spaventos, and Copper Captains, 
their heads fired both with glory and vainglory, 
swarmed everywhere, ruling everything ; and their 
truculent enthusiasm set the nation ablaze. The iron 
lungs of these grim pirsetorians echoed loudly in the 
covered patios ; and, if they refrained from hissing the 
plays of an old comrade, that was the limit of their 
■complaisance. It was not enough for them that some 
heroic old-world note should sound. Their drama, as 
they conceived (and, as I think, rightly conceived), 
should be something that embodied magnificently the 
motives of chivalric honour, careless gallantry, bright 
intrigue, and the other mainsprings of the national 
life. Had not they themselves daily supplied the 
dramatist with plots more ingeniously labyrinthine than 
the cunningest artificer could dream ? Were capa y 
espada never to be seen upon the boards ? Were they 
and their great deeds alone to be unhonoured and 
unsung ? While Cervantes still stood at the parting of 
the ways, hesitating between his private inclination and 
the public taste, the question was solved by another 
hand. Lope de Vega was born to be the prophet of 
the new school. His ductile gifts lent themselves to 
any turn of the wheel. If his public wished for 
EspanoUsmo, for a drama racy of the soil. Lope lent his 
_great talents, his unrivalled facility to gratifying its 
desire. His copiousness carried all before it. After 


two or three performances no piece could, be repeated.^ 
Lope was always ready with another play to take its 
place. The less fertile writers were driven ignonai- 
niously from the field. But if Lope triumphed over 
every rival, those rivals also had their revenge. The 
cataract of facility which had submerged them was 
destined to overcome their victor. Improvisation was 
the ban of all their tribe, and , Lope, the greatest 
improvisators of them all, was vanquished by the 
exuberance of his own genius. No longer master of his 
easy, melodious numbers. Lope too often degenerated 
into the slave of words. He sank to be a mere fountain 
of expression, a shallow spring of " situations," an 
ingenious mechanician, an accomplished drudge, a 
superior Hardy. He produced at least twenty million 
verses — a mass of material before which even the 
literary courage of the omnivorotis Fox faltered,^ of 
which more than nineteen million lines are as com- 
pletely forgotten and ignored as anything can be. Lope 
the mighty. Lope the Fenix of the world, has paid the 
penalty of his wilful, unscrupulous, mad ambition. But 
if impartiality compels us to censure his shortcomings 
with freedom, justice will extort the admission of his 
virtues. That Lope made an enormous stride in the 

1 " Con el niimero asombroso de Drdmas que Lope di6 4 los 
corrales de tal modo se acostuml)r6 el publico i la novedad, que 
despues de la3 primeras representaciones no se repetian, aiin pasado 
algun tiempo." — La Poetica 6 Eeglas de la poesia en General, y de sus 
principales especies, por Don Ignacio de Luz4n (Madrid, 1789), ii. p. 26. 

2 "The Early History of Charles James Fox," by George Otto 
Trevelyan (London, 1880), p. 305. 


right direction is beyond all doubt. He stamped the 
drama with the impress of the national life; he is in 
some sense the intellectual father of the adorable 
Calder6n, and for this last gift alone — if ifc stood alone 
— he would deserve the eternal gratitude of posterity. 

Against this resistless, all- conquering tide Cervantes 
fought in vain. He also was in his way an improvi- 
satore ; but he was slow, silent, dumb, by the side of the 
redundant Lope. His plays, if they had ever pleased, 
ceased to attract the public. Managers looked shyly at 
him ; playwrights ceased to count him as a rival ; 
playgoers turned their backs on him. His day was 
over ; he belonged to the old school ; he believed in the 
old methods. Popularity went by him. He had always 
longed for it : but he had never stooped to any common 
arts to obtain it. He never stood more in need of it 
than now. He had a wife, a daughter, sisters depen- 
dent on him. The years were fleeting by him. Play- 
writing at the best (save in^the case of the phenomenal 
Lope) was ill-paid, and as his responsibilities became 
most acute, fate closed the gates of the theatre upon him. 

Men shut their doors against a setting sun. 

His wife, indeed, had a modest dowry, which the care of 
the pious biographer has shown to consist of four or five 
vineyards, an orchard, a few cocks and hens, and a little 


An hundred pounds of marriage-money, doubtless, 
Is ever thirty pounds Stirling, or somewhat less ; 
So that her thousand pounds, if she be thrifty, 
Is much near about two hundred and fifty. 
Howbeit, wooers and widows are never poor. 


Yet even Matthew Merrygreek would have admitted 
that this particular wooer was miserably poor. There 
was nothing for it but to resign the proud aspirations 
which had once filled his sanguine soul and seek his 
scanty bread elsewhere. 

But though the resolution was inevitable, Cervantes 
never quite abandoned hope. In 1592, years after he 
had removed to Seville, he signed a contract with one 
Eodrigo Osorio undertaking to write six comedies at 
fifty ducats each — the money not to be paid unless each 
play was " one of the best ever represented in Spain." ^ 
It is not probable that the writer ever fingered a mara- 
vedi of the money. Moreover, as the century came to a 
close, the position of the struggling dramatist became 
more and more difficult. The old quarrel with the 
Church broke out anew. In 1586-87 the question of 
the sinfulness of plays was gravely referred to the 
theologians : and even the Augustinian monk Fray 
Alonso de Mendoza, the princeps laxistarum of his day, 
could only venture to put forth a cautious, tentative 
approval. ^ Eleven years later Philip's daughter 
Catalina died ; and, during the mock-solemn period of 
Court mourning, the representation of all plays was 
temporarily suspended. The clerical courtiers — among 
them Lupercio Leonardo de Argensola, whose Isabela 

^ " Nuevos doeumentos para ilustrar la vida de Miguel de Cervantes 
Saavedra con algunas observaciones . . , por D. Jos^ Maria Asensio 
y Toledo " (Sevilla, 1864), pp. 26-29. 

2 It may be worth while to give Mendoza's exact words: "el 
representar las Comedias, como aora se representan en Espana . . . 
de ningun mode es pecado mortal " (Pellicer, i. p. 120). 


and Alejandra would seem to have been most de- 
servedly damned — took this opportunity to put an end 
to the theatre altogether.^ Four months before the 
death of Philip II. a Royal rescript was issued, sup- 
pressing the Spanish theatre at a blow. At one fell 
swoop all the playhouses were simultaneously closed. 
Even though Cervantes had not already gone, it was 
time for him to be gone now. 

^ The decree was issued May 2, 1598. There would seem to have 
been reason for it if it were true to say of the comedians, " Que salian 
a representar desnudos, y que sin ninguna reverencia ni temor del cielo 
ni de la tierra, ni respeto del auditorio, imitaban estrupos y aceiones 
desvergonzadas." (Pellicer, i. p. 147). But it would be impossible 
to exaggerate the contempt and hatred felt at this time by most 
Spaniards of position for players and almost all connected with the 
boards; "esos infames y disolutos," "gente perdidisima," " estos 
indecentes," " rufianes sucios y deshonestos,'' are moderate specimens 
of the invective poured forth on the mummers of the time. Drama- 
tists were of course exempted from the public disdain which concen- 
trated itself on the actors. The same feeling, though diminished, 
continues in Spain to this day, and, in a lesser degree, in France. 
Cp. M. Jules Lemaitre's "Impressions de ThMtre " (Premiere S6rie, 
pp. 307-318) : . . . " je me trouve un peu g^n6 pour louer les 
com^diens.'' M. Jules Lemaitre's jmdeur (so he says) stands in his 
way. Irony apart, it does stand in the way of most Spaniards, who 
have always in their minds what Bossuet calls "la prostitution de 
corps purifies par le baptSme." Thus they inconsistently love the 
theatre and despise the actors. 



In tenui labor, at tenuis non gloria. 

Georgics, iv. 6. 

None are so surely caught, when they are catch'd, 
As wit turn'd fool. 

Love's Labour's Lost, Act V., sc. ii. 

When Cervantes left Esquivias in 1587, Lope's star 
had not yet risen on the Madrileno stage. That miracu- 
lous boy, having tried his wings on the boards during 
his exile at Valencia, was about this time alternating 
between brief paroxysms of sorrow, on account of the 
death of his first wife, Isabel de Urbina, and prolonged 
agonies of despair because of his rejection by his pseu- 
donymous Filis. But Lope was not the man. to break 
his heart about a woman and, after addressing a number 
of fruitless ballads to his mistress' eyebrow (he was 
always copious), came back to the regions of common 
sense once more, and enlisted in the squadrons of the 
Great Armada. At this period it should seem that he 
looked rather to London than to Madrid for immortality. 

The great desire of needy Spaniards in all ages has 


been to obtain some post in the Administration — a 
curious ambition which, however, is shared by other 
peoples under both democratic and absolutist systems. 
Beggars cannot be choosers ; and Cervantes, who shared 
to the full the average ideas of his countrymen, probably 
thought himself fortunate in obtaining some humble 
post under Diego de Yaldivia, in the Audiencia Keal at 
Seville in 1587. Grotesque as the notion is, it is 
scarcely likely that the sympathetic nations which gene- 
rously provided for Burns as a gauger, for Hawthorne as a 
consul, and for M. Coppde as a petty clerk, will appreciate 
the incongruity of Cervantes serving a grateful country 
as a process-server and tax-gatherer. He himself had 
no time, and probably little inclination, to philosophise 
over the general unfitness of things mundane; and he was 
no doubt glad enough to keep the wolf from the door by 
any honest means. His capacity for sanguine self- 
delusion was so inordinate that he may have persuaded 
himself that he was once more on the high road to 
fortune when in June, 1588, he was promoted to the 
post of deputy-purveyor to the Armada, with Antonio 
de Guevara as his chief.^ He was by temperament the 
least exact, the least formal, the least methodical man 
in the world. Naturally he was appointed to discharge 
functions where exactitude, formality, and method were 
indispensable. Conscious of his own unfitness for the 

1 Cp. Navarrete, pp. 411 et seq., and Asensio y Toledo, pp. 1-2 
and 43. Cervantes' letter, as given by Asensio y Toledo, is dated 
February 24, 1588. Ledn Mdinez (pp. 101-102) maintains that 
there must be a mistake with regard to this date. I confess 1 fail to 
see any force in the argument which he oifers. 

o 2 


administrative and executive duties which fell to him, 
he seems to have exerted himself strenuously to satisfy 
the official ideas of regularity and decorum. The new 
functionary, thirsting for distinction, entered on his 
work with characteristic vigour. It was not long before 
his pious zeal got him into trouble. His methods were 
probably more military than civil. His energy so far 
outran his discretion as to bring down on his unhappy 
head a sentence of excommunication with regard to 
some high-handed proceedings in the town of Ecija.^ 
His guarantors, Juan de Nava Cabeza de Vaca and 
Luis Marmolejo, must have already begun to feel some 
uneasiness. In the meantime, the energetic official 
scoured the country on all sides, collecting oil, grain, 
and (it may be feared) duelos y quehrantos. But even 
th-e preparations for the Invincible Armada came to an end 
at last ; and, in default of any other resource, Cervantes, 
in May, 1590, on the strength of his past services, ad- 
dressed a petition to the King (his courage was always 
prominent), humbly praying that he might be appointed 
(1) Accountant-General of the new kingdom of Granada ; 
or (2) Governor of Seconusco in Guatemala ; or (3) Pay- 
master of the galleys at Cartagena ; or (4) Corregidor in 
the city of La Paz — all of which posts were then vacant. 
This modest supplication was not unnaturally dis- 
regarded, and remained in the dusty, discreet, official 

1 The letter of February 24, 1588, is clear on this point . . . 
"les pedir y suplicar me manden asolber remotamente o a reinsidencia 
de la sensura y escomunion que contra mi per aber yo tornado y 
enbargado el trigo de las fabricas de la dicha ciudad de Ecija," etc. 


pigeon-hole till Juan Agustln Cean Bermiidez unearthed 
it in 1808.^ In 1591-2 the petitioner was serving 
under Pedro de Isunza, collecting wheat, garbanzos, and 
other commissariat necessaries. Perhaps things were 
looking up — perhaps they were more than ever des- 
perate — when Cervantes signed his Quixotic contract 
with Eodrigo Osorio in 1592. In August, 1594, he was 
in Madrid on business connected with his office, and 
later on in the year he was at Baza, having been ap- 
pointed tax-gatherer in the province of Granada.^ 

Now and again his thoughts turned back from tax- 
gathering to belles lettres. As in 1583 he had con- 
tributed a sonnet to Padilla's Ramancero, as he had 
done the same kind office to the Austriada of Juan 
Gutierrez Uufo (1584) and the Cancionero of L6pez 
Maldonado (1586), so in his contributions to the 
Filosofia cortesana moralizada of Alonso de Barros and 
the Dragontea of Lope de Vega^ he once more showed 
his conjoint good nature and love of literature. In 1595 
three prizes were offered by the Dominicans of Zaragoza 

1 Navarrete, pp. 312-313. The official note on this application 
is : " Busque poi acd en que se le haga merced." 

2 Ibid. pp. 415, 418, et seq. 

3 Ticknor (ii. p. 203) states very positively that the " Dragontea " 
was not published tiU 1604, when, as he says, it was issued with 
the " Hermosura de Angelica." Both statements are incorrect. The 
"Dragontea" was published separately at Valencia in 1598, and the 
" Hermosura de Angelica " was issued in Madrid in 1602. It is right 
to say that, with regard to the latter work, Ticknor's statement is given 
with a reservation suggested by Salvd (ii. p. 201). And, on the whole, 
it is impossible not to admire the sagacity with which Ticknor has 
made his way across the trackless deserts which environ the biblio- 
graphy of Lope. 


for the three best glosas on a redondilla in honour 
of St. Hyacinth, recently canonised by Clement VIII. 
It may be doubted whether the three silver spoons 
which Cervantes carried off from this literary joust as 
the first prize freed him from all pecuniary troubles. 
In 1596 Cadiz was sacked by the English under the 
aspiring, arduous, brilliant Essex. The pillage over, the 
spoil-laden invaders retired, and the sluggish Duke of 
Medina Sidonia triumphantly entered the evacuated 
city at the head of the Spanish troops — a cheap feat of 
valour celebrated by Cervantes in his disdainful sonnet : 

Vimos en julio otro semana santa 

Atestada de ciertas cofradias 

Que los soldados Uaman compafilas, 

De quien el vulgo, y no el ingles, se espanta.i 

But his literary labours were necessarily brief. He 
had, indeed, very serious preoccupations of his own. His 
ofl&cial obligations were no joke. In (or before) 1595 he 
had entrusted 7,400 reales of official moneys to one 
Sim6n Freire de Lima, of Seville, to pay into the 
treasury at Madrid. Freire de Lima, like other fidu- 
ciaries before and since, became bankrupt and absconded. 
The victimised Cervantes returned to Seville to give an 
account of himself, and to recover as much as possible 
from the estate of the defaulter. Some two-thirds of 
the debt were thus summarily discharged : but, as the 
remainder was still unpaid in 1597, a writ was issued 

1 Juan Sanz de Zumeta, mentioned in the " Canto de Caliope," 
wrote a sonnet on the same subject. See pp. 153-154 of this volume. 


against Cervantes, who was seized and imprisoned from 
September till December.^ 

The history of the next five or six years is more 
than ever obscure. On September 13, 1598, Philip 11. 
died. His funeral rites were magnificently celebrated 
through the length and breadth of Spain. In 
Seville the ceremonial was of unwonted splendour; 
and the catafalque of Juan de Oviedo was reckoned 
among the wonders of the age. But the solemnity of 
the occasion was marred by a vulgar brawl between 
the Inquisition and the civil power with regard to the 
right of the lay President to cover his seat with a piece 
of black cloth. The tribunal of the Inquisition (in 
1598) had a short method with recalcitrants. The civil 
power was excommunicated, whereon the priest at once 
retired to finish his mass in the sacristy, the preacher 
ran hastily out of the pulpit, while the civil officials and 
the inquisitionary familiars kept up a hideous wrangle 
till four in the afternoon, to the scandal of all decent 
people.^ This edifying scene took place on November 
26. Finally the matter was referred to arbitration; 
the obsequies were adjourned till the end of December; 

^ The Real Provision with regard to Preire de Lima, is given 
in Kavarrete (pp. 435-436). For the imprisonment of 1597, cp. 
Navarrete (pp. 437-439). 

^ " Segunda parte de la Historia y Grandezas de la Gran Giudad 
de Sevilla por El Licenciado Don Pablo de Espinosa de los Monteros " 
(Sevilla, 1630). This writer is full of nneonscions humour : e.g. 
Juan de Oviedo draws his sketch of the tumulo, " y acabada la pre- 
sento en el CabUdo de que todos quedaron muy agradados, paieciendo 
cosa muy superior" (f. 112). And again, "Sera impossible describir 


and in the meanwhile country bumpkins, round-eyed, 
gaping, poured in by the shoal, and, seated in the superb 
silleria of Nufro Sanchez, passed their patronising, 
provincial judgments on the handiwork of Vasco 
Pereyra, Salcedo, Pacheco, and Delgado.^ The oppor- 
tunity was irresistible to the satirist, and Cervantes, in 
his irregular sonnet, — 

Voto i Dios, que me espanta esta grandeza 
Y que diera un doblon por describilla ; 
Porque j d qui^n no sorprende y maravilla 
Esta mdquina insigne, esta riqueza 1 — 

gives us a much clearer idea of the occasion than can be 
derived from the tremendous Historia y Grandezas de la 
Gran Ciudad de Sevilla of Espinosa, who would seem 
to have taken for his model the twenty-fifth, twenty- 
sixth, and twenty-seventh chapters of Exodus. 

Soon after this sonnet was written Cervantes made 
his way into La Mancha where the eager, arduous man 
of genius picked up a scanty, squalid living as tithe- 
proctor' to the Priory of St. John. In an interesting 
series of articles, entitled Cervantes en Valladolid, 
published by that admirable scholar, D. Pascual de 
Gayangos, in the Revista de Espana, it is suggested 
that Cervantes had applied for some such office as early 

ni pintar la grandeza, primor y bizarreria que tuvo " (ibid.). After 
wMch statement he gives a most minute description (ff. 112-115). 
Canon Luciano de Negrdn said the mass; Pray Juan Bernal was in the 
pulpit. " Y el Eegente se sent6 solo en banco cubierto co un pano 
negro" (f. 171). This official's name was Pedro L6pez de Alday. 

1 Cp. " Annals of the Artists of Spain, by William Stirling " 
(London, 1848), vol. i. p. 403. 


as 1584.^ It is with profound self-distrust that I 

venture to dissent from the theory of an expert so 

eminent. His height is six cubits and a span ; his 

helmet, his coat of mail, his greaves, his target of brass 

are terrible ; his spear is like a weaver's beam ; yet I, 

even I, with five smooth stones out of a brook, must hazard 

an encounter with a foe so formidable. The authority 

upon which D. Pascual de Gayangos relies is a MS. 

letter from the Licenciado Sanctoyo de Molina to Mateo 

Vdzquez — a letter from which he quotes the following 

passage : " Para Segura de la Sierra vienen propuestos 

(por el Consejo) Eubin de Cells, Cervantes y Canto. 

El Eubm no conviene de ninguna manera ; el Cervantes 

es muy benemerito, y sirvio ya el partido de Montanches 

muy bien : d, Canto no le conozco." On this basis rests 

D. Pascual's contention that in, or previous to, 1584 

Cervantes had already been officially employed in 


The contention is new, and I am quite willing to 

admit that, to use a celebrated phrase, it is "important, 

if true." I shall endeavour as briefly as possible to 

show cause why the new hypothesis should be rejected. 

Any one reading the citation of D. Pascual de Gayangos 

would naturally imagine that the phrase cited 'by him 

occurred in the text of thp letter. Will it be believed 

that the words quoted do not exist in the text ? The 

actual passage, so far as I can decipher it, runs as follows : 

A Segura de Sierra va rubin de celis : yo no le conozco : es de 
los de respetos y fabores y no ay q hazer case del y si no fuera por 

' Revista de Espana " (vol. xcvii. p. 49 et seq., and vol. xcix. 
i sp.n\ 

1 "1 

p. 5 et seq.). 


fabor no fuera ay puesto ni en otro officio. El lie''" ceuantes (?) va 
en 2° lugar y en razo y justicla abia de ir en el primero porc[ este 
estaua en Montancbes quad su mag' vino de Portugal y paso por alii 
cerca y V. oiria dezir en aquella tierra mucho bien y q no a tenido 
tal juez y asi sin duda mereze' major el off" q esotros. EI canto tan- 
poco le conozco ni se si es bueno ni malo : y asi no tengo que dezir 
sino q si su mag' no se lo da le bara mucho agravio porq dio la mejor 
residencia que yo e visto y tiene todas las buenas partes q se requiere 
y porq entiendo que es consciencia quitarselo digo esto.^ 

The words quoted by D. Pascual de Gayangos do 
not, then, occur in text. They do, however, in a slightly 
different form, occur in an endorsement, in another 
hand, and of much later date, on the back of Molina's 
letter. D. Pascual de Gayangos, it would seem, has 
merely altered the precis of the endorser from the third 
to the first person. It is by no means certain that the 
Ceuantes of the text should be read Cervantes ; and in 
any case there is not the slightest ground for thinking 
that the passage refers in any way to the author of 
Don Quixote. There is no reason to suppose that Cer- 
vantes ever studied law, or that he had the slightest 
acquaintance with its principles. Had it been so, he 
would assuredly have let us know it. It is absolutely 
certain that he never calls himself a Licenciado, nor is 
he ever so styled by any one who knew him ; on the con- 
trary, some wits of the baser sort made merry over the 
unclerkly man on the ground that he had never taken 
his degree.^ Nor is it credible that the newly ransomed 

^ The letter is from the Licenciado Sanctoyo de Moliaa to Vaz- 
quez. It is dated April 1, 1584, and may be found in the British 
Museum Library, Add. 28,364, f. 209. 

2 I give this on the authority of Navarrete, who quotes from 
Tamayo de Vargas the phrase ingenio lego (p. 32). 


slave had ever previous to 1584 held the position of 
judge at any court. Whatever Cervantes learned in 
Algiers, we may take it for certain that his studies did 
not lie in the direction of jurisprudence. It is beyond 
belief that in the Spain of the sixteenth century any 
magistrate of even the most inferior tribunal should 
within two years have sunk so low as to go a-begging 
for the humble, not to say odious, office of process- 
server. I must confess that I find myself, then, unable 
to accept D. Pascual de Gayangos' suggestion, which I 
venture to think would never have been made had he 
examined more attentively the document from which he 
professes to quote. From a controversial point so dis- 
tasteful, I turn with pleasure to Cervantes in La Mancha. 
Here, probably at Argamasilla de Alba, according to 
a too likely legend, the much-enduring man was sent to 
jail. He had been imprisoned before, and was destined 
to be imprisoned again ; but there was nothing excep- 
tional in the experience. Imprisonment was unhappily 
an incident common enough in the lives of Spanish 
writers. In the earliest dawn of Spanish literature, the 
celebrated Macias M Enamorado had been imprisoned 
at Arjonilla before the javelin winged by marital 
jealousy silenced that passionate voice for ever.^ The 
penultimate days of the illustrious Diego Hurtado de 
Mendoza were passed in exile and disgrace. The great 

1 Very little precise informatioii with regard to Macfas El 
Enamorado can be gathered. I must avow myself much disappointed 
with the account in " Die alten Liederbucher der Portugiesen oder 
Beitrage zur Geschicte der portuguiesischen Poesie etc. herausgegeben 
von Dr. Christian F. Bellermann " (Berlin, 1840), pp. 24-26. 


Garcilaso himself was pent up in one of the Danubian 
islets. The saintly Luis de Le6n was kept in custody 
by the Inquisition for five years.^ Mateo Alemdn, the 
author of that masterpiece oi picaresco writing, Guzmdn 
de Alfarache, was laid by the heels, for irregularities in 
his official accounts not unlike those attributed to 
Cervantes. Lope de Vega was imprisoned for satirising 
one Jeronimo de Yeldzquez ; and the learned Jesuit 
Mariana expiated some portions of his Tractatus VII. 
in like manner. In a later generation Quevedo, the 
most pungent of Spanish wits, was imprisoned time 
upon time. In his younger days he had the rnisfor- 
tune to kill in a duel a noble who had struck and 
otherwise insulted a woman in the church of San 
Martin in Madrid. Perhaps if he had killed a mere 
gentleman Quevedo might have brazened it out ; but 
society has always drawn an equivocal (and certainly not 
unnecessary) distinction between a gentleman and a 
man of rank. He fled to Naples, where he had obtained 
the highest distinction as a diplomatist, when a turn of 
the wheel in political afiairs threw him into prison for 
two years. Later, in the Chiton de las Tardbillas, 
careless, or perhaps ignorant, of Mariana's castigation 
for his De Mutatione Monetae, Quevedo attacked the 
debasement of the coinage. Taken in conjunction with 
the publication of his Memorial por el patronato de 

1 The life contributed by D. Eustaquio Feriid,ndez de Navarrete 
to vol. xvi. of the " Documentos InMitos " contains much valuable 
information with regard to Garcilaso. The painful story of the in- 
quisitionary examination of Luis de Le6n is given in vol. x. of the 
same series. 


Santiago, his offence was grave, and was atoned for by 
another period of imprisonment. Monstrous as this 
appears, it can scarcely be doubted that if Walpole, 
Grafton, and the corrupt Whiteshed could have had 
their own way in the matter of Wood's halfpence, Swift 
— with more reason — would have similarly expiated the 
publication of The Drapier's Letters. In Quevedo's 
sixtieth year a copy of caustic verses beginning — 

Cat61ica, sacra, y real majestad 

Que Dios en la tierra os hizo deidad : 

Un anciano pobre, sencillo y honrado, 
Humilde os invoca y os habla postrado — 

was found under the King's serviette. Eightly or 
wrongly, Quevedo was suspected of being the author. 
By order of Olivares, the infirm, gray-haired poet was 
arrested without a particle of evidence, dragged from 
his bed at midnight, and whisked off to the monastery of 
San Marcos de Leon, where he was confined till the 
downfall of the Minister four years later. ^ 

It is obvious, then, that imprisonment was no new, 
strange thing to the unhappy quill-drivers of Spain. It 
befell those who lived before Cervantes as it befell those 
who came after him ; nor could even the bitter malignity 
of literary and political faction base upon an incident so 
commonplace any allegation against their (or his) honour. 
It is always safe to assume of every eminent Spanish 
writer of the period that he has been in prison. The 

1 With regard to Quevedo I have followed the sketch of his life 
given by D. Aureliano Ferndndez-Guerra y Orhe. See Eivadeneyra, 
xxiii. (Madrid, 1852). 


only disputed point whicli can arise is as to the actual 
scene of the imprisonment. Of absolute evidence that 
Cervantes was imprisoned at Argamasilla de Alba there 
is no jot. Navarrete, on the authority of Fray Antonio 
S4nchez Liano, quotes a line atid a half from an alleged 
letter of Cervantes, written from the prison house in 
Argamasilla de Alba, to his uncle Juan Bernab^ de 
Saavedra, of Alcdzar de San Juan, begging for assistance. 
The exact words are : " Luengos dias y menguadas 
noches me fatigan en esta carcel, 6 mejor dire caverna."^ 
There is no proof that this reputed letter was written 
from Argamasilla de Alba, and it is important to observe 
that the original is unknown. Sanchez Liano himself 
does not profess to have seen it, though he states that 
he once had a copy of it. He does not state where, or 
by whom, the copy was taken ; he does not explain how 
he became possessed of it : and it is, to say the least, 
unfortunate that even the copy, with the suspicious, if 
not fatal, tendency of Spanish documents, should have 
disappeared during Sanchez Liano's lifetime. It seems 
strange, too, that he should never have made a second 
copy of a paper so important. Such, however, seems to 
have been the case, and for the correctness of the passage 
cited above we have to trust to Sanchez Liano's memory. 
The story of Cervantes' imprisonment at Argamasilla 
de Alba rests chiefly on tradition, and all sorts of in- 
genious theories have been invented — as though any 
were needed ! — to explain it.^ One legend is that it 
was due to his unpopularity as a tax-collector ; another, 
1 Navarrete, pp. 450-453. 2 Ibid. p. 95. 


that it was because of the pollution of the Guadiana, 
to the injury of the neighbouring farmers, by a manu- 
factory in which Cervantes was interested ; a third 
version accounts for the disaster by attributing to Cer- 
vantes the utterance of some satirical remarks on — if 
not to — an Argamasillan lady, whose influential friends 
gave their retort this unpleasant form. There is not 
much probability in the two latter theories. Cervantes 
was never lucky enough to be connected with manu- 
factories — unless, it may be, in some such humble 
position as that of night-watchman, a position which 
would protect him from notice. As to the last story, 
it should be observed, firstly, that nothing that we 
know of Cervantes leads us to think it at all likely 
that he was the sort of man to insult a woman ; and, 
secondly, it should be said that, if the Argamasillans 
of his time at all resembled those of to-day, an insult 
to a lady would have been avenged by her relatives 
in a manner much more peremptory and final than by 
mere imprisonment. The lady, according to the local 
mythus, is said to have been the niece of a certain 
Kodrigo de Pacheco, who at one time or another had 
been something of a lunatic. The tradition still lingers 
in Argamasilla de Alba that the likeness of this in- 
teresting couple are worked into a votive picture of 
the Virgin which overhangs an altar in the parish 
church. Whether or no Argamasilla de Alba was the 
scene of Cervantes' imprisonment, whether Don Quixote 
was or was not conceived there, and whatever the reason 
of that imprisonment may have been, there can be no 


doubt that Cervantes knew the topography of the dis- 
trict minutely. Argamasilla de Alba is almost certainly 
Don Quixote's town. Indeed, the natives still claim 
him as their townsman. But, apart from this, the 
references to Puerto Lapice, the Field of Montiel, and 
the course of the Guadiana — to give but a few examples 
— place it beyond reasonable doubt that Argamasilla 
de Alba, and no other, was that place in La Mancha, 
" the name of which," as the author of Don Quixote 
drily said, "I have no desire to recall."^ 

The local legend, which still points to the cellar of the 
Casa de Medrano as the scene of the imprisonment, 
was believed by Hartzenbusch to an extent sufficient 
at least to induce him to print two editions of Don 
Quixote in the dismal hole. 

This period of imprisonment has generally been 
dated 1599-1601. D. Eam6n Leon Mdinez, however, 
states that a document has been brought to light in 
the Municipal Archives of Seville which goes to show 
that Cervantes resided in that city between 1600-1603.^ 
But the document has not been offered for examination, 
and without minute scrutiny it is impossible to accept 
it as genuine. In 1601 Philip III. and the Court 
left Madrid for Valladolid.^ Judging from Gdngora's 
sonnets — 

1 "En un lugar de la Mancha, de cuyo nombre no quiero 
recordarme." — Don Quixote, Pt. I. c. i. 

2 Le6n Mainez, p. 107. 

8 Cp. Cabrera de C6rdoba's " Eelacidn de las cosas sucedidas en 
la Corte de Espafla desde 1599 hasta 1614" (Madrid, 1857), PP- 
93, 95. 



Valladolid, de Idgrimas sois valle 
Y no quiero deoiros quien las Uora, 

i Vos sois Valladolid t Vois sois el valle 
De olor t Oil fragrantfsima ironfa, — 

there was at least one very vocal person by whom 
the courtly flitting was disapproved, and the ultimate 
return to Madrid would seem to show that the 
Cordovan poet by no means stood alone. ^ 

In 1603, Cervantes, who had apparently sunk in a 
Serbonian bog of poverty, reappeared on this brilliant 
scene to have his paltry, dog's-eared, muddled account- 
books audited once more. It is scarcely doubtful that 
he came, too, with the hope of picking up a few crumbs 
from the official table ; or, at least, with a view to 
begging help towards the publishing of a MS. which 
he brought with him. The Duque de Lerma, the first 
Minister of the day, was very much of Pitt's opinion, 
that literature could take care of itself; and, in any 
case, Cervantes was not to Lerma what he is to us — 
one of the world's heroes. He was only a crippled, 
threadbare suppliant — one of the ten thousand needy 

1 Sonnets 78 and 81 in Rivadeneyra (vol. xxxiii.). Quevedo also 
seems to have hated Valladolid. See Eivadeneyra, vol. Ixix. p. 198. 

" No fuera tanto tu mal, 
Valladolid opulenta, 
Si ya te deja el rey, 
Te dejdian los poetas. . . . 

No quiero alabar tus calles 
Pues son, hahlando de veras, 
Unas tuertas y otras bizcas, 
Y todo de lodo ciegas." 


place-hunters who infested the Ministerial anterooms. 
It is just possible that if Lerma had realised that 
the roll of paper under the shabby applicant's arm 
was the original of Don Quixote, even his ducal sense 
of appreciation might have been quickened ; but, as 
it was, literature, left to take care of itself, was 
speedily shown the door. The poverty-stricken, shabby 
petitioner, not unaccustomed to rebuflfs, gathering his 
papers together, walked contentedly away, and betook 
himself to any humble copying or common hack-work 
which came to his hand. 

While the patron still lingered dubiously on the vague 
horizon of hope, Cervantes had had a too painful ex- 
perience of the proverbial concomitants of patronage. 
Toil, envy, want, the jail and the squalid son of genius 
were old, almost inseparable, companions. It was high 
time for the patron to appear, and at last the necessary 
man was found in the person of the Duque de B^jar.^ 
An entirely unsupported but agreeable legend tells us that 
the Duke, though at first by no means anxious to accept 

1 The Duque de B4jar was obsequiously worshipped by many 
men of letters of the time. Cp. a sonnet of Lope's in his " Rimas " 
(Lisboa, 1605), f. 33, s. cxxxi. : 

" Con nuevo timbre, y nuevos Coroneles 
Vuestro nombre, con letras de diamante 
Pondra su fama en su dorado Alcazar." 

Six years later Crist6bal de Mesa in his "Eimas" (Madrid, 1611), 
f. 95, addresses the Duke as " el Mecenas de nuestro edad, y el Augusto 
de nuestro siglo " ; and again — 

" La espada en una, el libro en otra mano, 
Sacro Apolo Espanol, y Marte fiero " (f. 97). 


the dedication, finally consented that the author should 
read some specimen chapters to a roomful of critical 
listeners in the Duke's house, and that the delighted 
appreciation of the audience decided him in the writer's 
favour. It would be difficult to say what Don Quixote 
is not : it certainly is, among many other things, a 
merciless parody of the whole school of chivalrous 
romance. As Don Florisel de Niquea, one of the most 
ludicrous examples of the type, had been dedicated to 
a former Duque de Bejar by Feliciano de Silva, some 
preliminary hesitation was not unnatural in a man who 
may be said to have had an hereditary interest in extra- 
vagant absurdity. The current legend further asserts that 
the hostile bias of the Duke was strengthened by the 
confessor of the family. Every one knows the passage 
in Don Quixote which pillories " a grave ecclesiastic, 
one of those who regulate noblemen's houses ; one of 
those who, not being nobly born themselves, never 
succeed in teaching noble conduct to those who are so 
born ; one of those who seek to level the nobility of 
the great to the pettiness of their own minds ; one of 
those who, striving to teach economy, impart meanness 
to those under them." If the accusation against the 
Duque de Bdjar's chaplain be just, Cervantes' fierce 
lunge was not without cause .^ 

It may be taken as certain that the public reading in 
the Duke's house by no means stood alone. More than 
six months before the publication of Don Quixote, we 
find the Dominican Andres Perez mentioning the 

1 " Don Quixote," Pt. II. cap. xxxi. 

P 2 


immortal Manchegan madman in a copy of truncated 
itextillas in the Picara Justina •} 

Soy la Eeyn de Picardi 
Mas que la Rud conoci, 
Mas famo que dona Oli, 
Que Don Quixo y Lazari, 
Que alfarache y Celesti, 
Sino me conoces cue, 

Yoy so due 

Que todas las aguas be. 

The Privilegio of the Picara Justina is dated August 
22, 1604. Don Quixote did not appear until December, 
1604, or January, 1605. 

Lope de Vega was now almost in the zenith of his 
fame. His Arcadia, his Dragontea, his Fiestas de 
Denia, his Hermosura de Angelica, and the first 
volume of his Comedias, were before the world. He 
had also published his Peregrine en su patria, a work 
interesting in itself, and, bibliographically speaking, 
invaluable on account of the prefatory list of two 
hundred and nineteen plays already produced by the 
writer. He had tried alm^ost every school of writing. He 
had succeeded greatly in most kinds and had failed in 
none. He was the foremost man of letters in Spain and 

1 "Libro de Entretenimiento de la Pfoara Justina, etc. Com- 
puesto por el Licenciado Francisco de Vbeda, natural de Toledo" 
(Medina del Campo, 1605), lib. ii. pt. iii. f. 180. Eivadeneyra has 
reprinted this work (Madrid, 1854). The reference, which I give for 
those to whom the original is inaccessible, is vol. xxxiii. p. 143. 

This period of Cervantes' life is delightfully told in "La locura 
contagiosa," by Hartzenbusch. "Cuentos y fabulas" (Madrid, 1861), 
pp. 1-15. 


could afford to be generous. But he had heard of a 
certain romance by Cervantes which, as it had not been 
condemned out of hand, stirred the anger of the mag- 
nanimous poet. In a letter given by Schack we find the 
triumphant writer expressing his opinion of the unpub- 
lished book in the following terms : " I speak not of 
poets. Many are in blossom for the coming year, but 
none of them is as bad as Cervantes — none of them so 
foolish as to praise Don Quixote."^ It is not worth 
while to inquire whether this opinion were sincere or 
not. It is not more difficult to imagine the cause of 
Lope's querulous communings than to guess the origin 
of Kichardson's scandalised references to Tom Jones. 
Lope, like Richardson, had the advantage of not having 
read the book which he criticised ; and Richardson, like 
Lope, knew a rival when he saw one. 

And so, the trial at the Duke's over, the book got 
itself published at last. The Privilegio was signed ou 
September 26, and the Tassa on December 20, 1604. 
In the early part of 1605, Juan de la Cuesta, of Madrid, 
issued Don Quixote in a clumsy, ill -printed quarto 
volume of 316 folios. Its success was immediate. Slow 

1 "Nachtrage zur Geschichte der dramatisclien Literatur und 
KuDSt in Spanien von Adolph rriedrich von Schack" (Frankfurt- 
am-Main, 1854), p. 33. 

" De Poetas no digo. Muchos en cieme por el ano que viene, 
pero ninguno hay tan malo como Cervantes ni tan necio que alabe a 
Don Quixote . . . 

'A satira me voy mi paso a paso,' 
cosa para mi mas odiosa, que mis comedias a Cervantes.'' This is 
dated from Toledo, August 4, 1604. Lope's quotation is from Garci- 
laso's second Elegy — a Bosedn. 


as the sale of books was in the south-west of Europe at 
that time, within seven months the volume had run 
through four editions, and a private bookseller in Lisbon 
found it worth while to print an edition for Portugal. 
No work ever became more suddenly or more per- 
manently the vogue. This is not the place in which a 
formal criticism of Don Quixote need be attempted, but 
the unexampled popularity of the new romance showed 
that a fresh vein had been struck. The day of the old, 
dreary, interminable, labyrinthine, impossible, crack- 
brained romances of chivalry was over. Don Quixote 
only tolled their knell. The day of the romance of 
manners, with its acute introspection, its keen analysis 
of motive, its problems of morbid psychology, had not 
yet dawned. But there was perhaps a more excellent 
way. There was still room for a large utterance on the 
great commonplaces of existence — on love and death — 

Pratelli, a un tempo stesso, Amore e Morte 
Ingenero la sorte. 

There was still room for a declaration, an exposition, 
of the true and false ; of the painful, necessary contrast 
of the ideal with the actual ; of the pathetic difference 
between aspiration and accomplishment ; of the stormy 
ocean which divides the vision from the retrospect ; of 
the immeasurable interval which separates the magnifi- 
cent blue of poetry from the subdued drab of prose. 
Don Quixote is the cavalier always blind to obvious 
fact, always soaring into the breathless empyrean ; 
Sancho, the humble squire, the grotesque Quaker who, 
reducing his master's delusions to their lowest terms, 


keeps as much as possible to the turnpike road. The 
one treads on the crooked path of the stars ; the other, 
while he is saved by pondering on the path of his feet, 
is too often led astray, in defiance of his senses, by 
the contagious enthusiasm of his companion. Prose 
and poetry struggle for the mastery ; delusion and 
what we ironically call common sense contend for pos- 
session. The balance sways this way and then returns. 
Yet if Sancho be in some sort the confessor, Don Quixote 
is never the penitent. A hell of witchcraft lies in the 
subtle finesse of this ironical, kindly, contemptuous 
scrutiny of life. Never before had satire taken to 
herself a form so enticing. Never before had illusion 
reached a point so high. Yet even in laughter the 
heart is sorrowful and the end of mirth is heaviness. 

To say that the work has its limitations is to say 
that the author was mortal. But whatever its short- 
comings may be, the eager public which pored over 
it in the spring and summer of 1605 were in no mood 
for importunate fault-finding. Some part of their pleasure 
was found, no doubt, in the sly allusions to contem- 
poraries — a piquant characteristic which charmed at 
least one generation of readers as much as its smiling 
wisdom, its fine observation and deep philosophy delight 
their posterity. The book was in every hand, and a 
gleam of success at last shot across the penurious, 
sordid life of the author. It was high time. Born for 
immortality, Cervantes' genius blossomed late. "When 
he was correcting his proofs for Cuesta, he was in his 
fifty-eighth year. 



Sir Walter, though he spoke no foreign language with facility, 
read Spanish as well as Italian. He expressed the most unbounded 
admiration for Cervantes, and said that the "novelas" of that 
author had first inspired him with the ambition of excelling in 
fiction, and that, until disabled by illness, he had been a constant 
reader of them. — Lockhaet, Memoirs of Sir Walter Scott, ch. Ixxxiii. 

Pareceme, senores, que despues que murio nuestro Espanol Bocacio 
(quiero dezir Miguel de Ceruantes). ... — Tirso de Molina, 
Oigarrales de Toledo, pp. 193-194. 

During the months which immediately followed the 
publication of Don Quixote, Cervantes seemed to live 
on the crest of the wave. After a rigorous life of 
hardship, poverty, and disappointment, he had fought 
his way into something like notice and even fame. 
He probably had a little money at this time and, 
though it would seem that he spent some of it in 
very undesirable ways, it may be hoped that the women 
of the family no longer needed to take in sewing from 
the Marques de Villafranca.^ It is even thought by 

1 I gather this episode from D. Pascual de Gayangos' article in 
the "Kevista de Espana" (xcvii. p. 498). There is something 
amazingly wrong in D. Pascual's reference to the " Papeles del con- 
sejo de los Ordenes y consultos Originales de su Presidente entre los 


some that his prosperity was so abounding that he 
attained the ghastly distinction of becoming a Court 

Valladolid was the scene of much public rejoicing 
in the spring of 1605. The future Philip IV. was 
born on Good Friday, April 8. On May 26, Lord 
Nottingham, the envoy charged with the ratifica- 
tion of the treaty of peace between Great Britain and 
Spain, arrived with his suite. The christening of the 
heir-apparent and the arrival of the ambassador were 
celebrated with a double splendour which scandalised 
the unbending Pharisees of the capital: There is in 
existence an anonymous record of these festivities 
entitled Relacion de lo sucBdido en la ciudad de Val- 
ladolid desde el punto del felicisimo nacimiento del 
Principe Don Felipe, etc. — a supposititious or pseudi- 
pigraphal work attributed to Cervantes by some excel- 
lent judges.^ For my own part, I fail to detect the 

anos de 1572 y 1585," which in the Library of the British Museum 
are numbered 28,364. The actual title of the MS. is "Memorias de 
Valladolid"; the press-mark is Add. MS. 20,812. The actual 
passage (f. 209), so far as I can decipher it, is : " Lope Garcia de La 
Torre coneceis vos, y deixa sua molher muy dama e fermosa 200 o 
300 at6 de manha e elle vai se deitar, e quando a dama responde, 
calla y dexadme, no quereis Lope Garcya ? Ceruantes, da me aquella 
palmatoria, veremos si le hago callar, como jugava de lo vuestro, 
renid, mientras juego lo mio, callad." For the connection with Villa- 
franca, see Navarrete, p. 455. 

1 The precise title of this pamphlet is " Eelacion de lo sucedido 
en la ciudad de Valladolid, desde el punto del felicisimo nacimiento 
del Principe Don Felipe Dominico Victor, Ntro Senor, hasta que se 
acabaron las demostraciones de alegria que por el se hicieron " (Valla- 
dolid, 1605). The "Tassa" is dated October 19, 1605. 


hand of the master in this bald, commonplace story of 
the Court newsman. Yet it seems clear that contem- 
porary speculation fixed upon Cervantes as the writer. 
Gdngora refers to it in his usual malevolent style, and 
fifteen years later the rumour had lost nothing of its 
vitality.^ But the authenticity of the pamphlet still 
remains to some slight extent in doubt. 

Cervantes had played many parts. He had been 
an ecclesiastic's chamberlain, a soldier, a captive, a 
slave, an ambassador, a writer of pastoral romance, 
a process-server, a jail -bird, an immortal novelist 
amongst other things. The power " which erring 
men call chance" had a still stranger experience in 
store. It only remained for him to be arrested on 
suspicion of murder to complete the tale, and com- 
pleted it accordingly was. There lived about the Court 
at this time — probably in the agreeable character of 
general hanger-on — a certain gentleman of Pamplona 
named Caspar de Ezpeleta, who had recently been 

1 Gdngora's sonnet (Juan Antonio Pellicer, p. cxv.) is unmis- 
takable in its assertion ; the last two lines — 

" Mandaronse escriMr estas hazanas 
A Don Quixote, k Sancho y su jumento" — 

are decisive. Barrera ("Obras,'' vol. i. p. cxivi.) quotes from an 
anonymous writer of 1620: "Mire la memoria que la antigiiedad 
hace de los gastos. Y de otros infinitos se pudiera traer ejemplos 
y de nuestro tiempo, lea a Miguel de Servantes, en la Eelacion," 
etc. Gdngora's part in this matter is extremely characteristic. These 
shows were so absurd that it was only fit that Cervantes should com- 
memorate them. On the other hand, they were so magnificent as to 
lend to Lerma a splendour which Gdngora enshrined in verse 
(Kivadeneyra, xxxii. p. 437). 


thrown from his horse at some joust or bull-fight in 
a manner so public and opprobrious as to invite the 
banter of Grdngora, who felt called upon to celebrate 
the misfortune of the unlucky knight in a copy of 
stinging decimas} On the night of June 27, 1605, 
after supping with the Marques de Falc^s, the Captain 
of the Eoyal Archers of the Guard, D. Gaspar left his 
friend's house and, after the sauntering manner of the 
Court gallant, strolled along till, nearly an hour later, 
he came to a wooden footbridge — perhaps the same 
mentioned by the disgusted Cordovan — crossing the 
scanty stream of the Esgueva, at no great distance 
from the well-known Prado de Magdalena.^ Here he 

1 Cantemos a la gineta 

Y Uoremos a la brida 
La vergonzosa caida 

De D. Gaspar de Ezpeleta 
si yo f uera poeta ! 
Que gastara de papel 

Y qu6 nota hicieia de el 
Dixera alomenos yo 
Que el majadero cay6 
Porque cayesen en el. 

Juan Antonio Pellicer, p. cxvii. 
2 Cp. G6ngora's denunciation (Eivadeneyra, xxxii. p. 437) — 
" i Oh malquisto con Esgueva quedo 
Con su agua turbia y con su verde puente ! " — 

with Quevedo's (ibid. Ixix. p. 199) — 

" Pero el misero Esguevilla 
Se corre, y tiene vergiienza 
De que conviertan las coplas 
Sus corrientes en cerrencias." . . . 

" El sucio Esgueva," G6ngora calls it in another passage (ibid, xxxii. 
p. 527). 


paused to listen to some music, and was about to 
pass onwards when, out of the dark, there sallied a 
mysterious, undiscoverable cavalier, who peremptorily 
ordered him to be off. . Words passed ; each drew his 
sword on the other ; both were touched, and Ezpeleta 
finally lay prostrate with two dangerous wounds, one 
in the right thigh and the other in the abdomen. The 
assailant made away in the dark, while the wounded 
man shouted for aid. Close by, Cervantes and his 
family lived in a modest house, occupied also (amongst 
other persons) by the widow and family of the chronicler 
Esteban de Garibay y Zumalloa,^ The cry for help 
reached Luis de Garibay, who hurried downstairs, and, 
at the door, found Ezpeleta bathed in blood, his drip- 
ping sword in one hand and his shield in the other, 
staggering into the little portico of the house. The 
lad rushed upstairs and called his fellow-lodger Cer- 
vantes from his bed. Ultimately the pair carried the 
dying man up to Dona Luisa de Garibay's room, placed 
him on a mattress, and sent , for the nearest barber- 
surgeon, Sebastian Macias. It appears that there was 
a protrusion of the peritoneum through the abdominal 
wall, and that the superficial femoral artery was injured, 

1 I have never had the courage to attack the " Illustraciones 
genealogicas de los catholicos reyes de las Espanas, y de los christia- 
nissimos de Francia, y de los Emperadores de Constantmopla, hasta el 
Catholico Eey nuestro Senor Don Philipe el II. y sus serenissimos 
hijos . . . compuestas por Estevan de Garibay, Chronista del 
Catholico Key." I should doubt whether many even of the robust 
generation of readers which flourished in Madrid in 1596 read from 
cover to cover of this formidable folio. 


perhaps even severed. The well-meaning Sangrado, 
seeing that the patient was in the final stage of ex- 
haustion, determined to bleed him. As might have 
been expected, Ezpeleta died on the morning of 
June 29. He exculpated his unknown antagonist 
from all suspicion of foul play, and named, as his 
executor, the Captain of the Royal Archers. It per- 
haps did not occur to him to blame Macias. 

Urged, probably, by some such consequential person 
as Falcds, the Alcalde Cristobal de Villaroel began 
an official inquiry into the case. It is something of a 
godsend for those who strive to write Cervantes' life 
that this was so, Cervantes lived at 11, Calle del 
Rastro, in a house belonging to one Juan de Navas. 
With Cervantes lived his wife, his natural daughter, 
Isabel de Saavedra, his sister Andrea de Ovando and 
her daughter Constanza (aged twenty-eight), a certain 
Magdalena de Sotomayor, describing herself as his 
sister, and Maria de Cevallos, a servant from Barcena 
de Toranzo, in Santander, who had been with them 
since Whitsuntide. The personality of Magdalena de 
Sotomayor has been a source of some perplexity to 
Cervantes' biographers. If her statement be taken 
literally, it involves one of two hypotheses : either 
that she was an illegitimate daughter of old Rodrigo de 
Cervantes, or — which seems still more incredible — that 
Cervantes' mother, Dona Leonor, had married again soon 
after the death of her husband, probably about 1579. 
With regard to the first hypothesis, there is no proof, 
and no prima facie reason for believing, that old 


Cervantes was unfaithful to his wife. I am overflowing 
with sympathy for the straits of a biographer ; yet I 
protest against this stigma being fastened on the 
memory of the estimable old gentleman without the 
clearest demonstration. The second hypothesis is more 
easily disproved. When Dofia Leonor was married in 
1542 (or thereabouts), we may safely assume that she 
was not less than twenty years of age. Unless the 
miracle of the plains of Mamre were repeated, the 
birth of a child in her fifty-eighth year seems highly 
improbable. To crown everything, we have Magda- 
lena's solemn declaration that in 1605 she was over 
forty years of age. In other words, she was born at least 
thirteen years before Dona Leonor became a widow. In 
the face of such a statement it is surprising that the 
theory of Dona Leonor's second marriage ever came 
into existence. A more rational explanation accounts 
for Magdalena by assuming that she was the wife, or 
perhaps the widow, of Cervantes' elder brother, Eodrigo. 
She might still fairly enough describe herself as the 
sister of Miguel.^ 

On the other side of the house lived Garibay's 
widow, Luisa de Montoya, with her daughter Luisa, 
and a son in orders variously styled Esteban or !Luis.^ 
Amongst the other lodgers were the widow of Pedro 
Lainez, Juana Gaytdn, and her niece Catalina de 

1 It has even been wildly conjectured that Magdalena was the 
mother of Cervantes' natural daughter, Isabel. But no proof is offered 
in support of this rash surmise, 

2 Cervantes calls the young man Luis ; the other deponents call 
him Esteban (Juan Antonio Pellicer, p. cxxi. et seq.). 


Aguilar (twenty years old) ; Maria de Argomeda y 
Ayala (thirty-five years old), widow of Alonso Enriquez, 
with her sister Luisa de Ayala (twenty-two years old) ; 
Mariana de Eamirez, a widow, who lived with her 
mother and her little children; Kodrigo Montero (a 
toady of Lerma's) with his wife Jerdnima de Soto- 
mayor and Isabel de Ayuda (a pious widow, who seems 
to have been a member of some religious confraternity). 
Entering the shabby house to-day, one can but marvel 
how this regiment of people contrived to contract them- 
selves within such scanty space. " Nothing," says Mr. 
Mill, speaking of his visit to Bentham at Ford Abbey, 
" nothing contributes more to nourish elevation of 
sentiments in a people than the large and free character 
of their habitations."^ Assuredly, the restricted outlook 
of Isabel de Ayuda seems to have produced a cor- 
responding moral debasement. This revolting woman, 
who describes herself as a beata, seems to have played 
the congenial part of eavesdropper and spy towards 
every other person in the house. There was now a 
favourable opportunity of appearing as an informer. 
The occasion was too perfect to be neglected, and the 
admirable person accordingly hastened to make a state- 
ment to the authorities in which she declared (1) that 
she had observed Mariana de Eamirez (apparently in 
the presence of her mother and her children) talking 
to, and behaving with, Diego de Miranda in a very 
"suspicious" manner; (2) that persons of note, such 
as D. Hernando de Toledo, Senor de Higares, and the 

1 "Autobiography of John Stuart Mill " (London, 1875), p. 55. 


Portuguese Simdn Meadez, came to see the Cervantes 
family, and that, the offence being so rank and flagrant, 
she had " thought it her duty " to remonstrate with 
M^ndez for his scandalous misconduct ; (3) that the 
widows Juana Gaytd,n and Maria de Argomeda, and 
the spinsters Luisa de Ayala and Catalina de Aguilar, 
openly received visits by day and night from gay 
sparks like the Duque de Pastrana, the Conde de 
Concentayna, and D. Hernando de Toledo. Finally, 
this beautiful exemplar "had heard say" that Ezpeleta's 
death had been indirectly due to some woman. Had 
she been aware that among Ezpeleta's few belongings 
a copy of Villalobos had been found, she would doubt- 
less have pointed with pious exultation to that fourth 
chapter of the Sentencias entitled De la gran per- 
dicion y total destruccion del amante vicioso. But her 
depravity was not altogether isolated. Jeronima de 
Sotomayor, wife of Lerma's tool, thought it due to 
her self-respect to mention the pregnant fact that 
Ezpeleta had been in the habit of entering the rooms 
of Juana Gaytd,n and Maria de Argomeda. 

Eeading the depositions nearly three centuries after 
the event, it is not easy to feel angry with Jer6nima 
de Sotomayor. Moral indignation would be wasted on 
her. She was the wife of a Court flunkey, and, ex vi 
termini, a tiresome idiot. But, after the first move- 
ment of intellectual and spiritual repugnance is over, 
it is difficult to avoid smiling at the simple venom, 
the hearty palpable malice of Isabel de Ayuda. Her 
afiiectation of virtue has a charm which diurnal repe- 


tition never exhausts. But more than one of us must 
feel inclined to probe her motive in interesting herself 
in Miranda's demeanour towards' Mariana Eamirez ; to 
wonder why she " thought it her duty" to censure poor 
Mdndez ; and to inquire how it could possibly affect 
her that Juana Gaytan or Luisa de Aguilar received 
visits from the Duque de Pastrana and his companions 
either at dawn or sunset. What was at the bottom 
of it ? Was it a holy, if misplaced, zeal for virtue ? or 
was it not rather the more degraded feeling of pique 
that none of these visitors — Miranda, Pastrana, and the 
rest — ever thought it necessary to visit her in her 
vestal abode ? It is impossible to avoid observing that 
all the women so disparagingly referred to were younger 
than the tale-bearer. Probably every reader will draw 
his own conclusions from this trifling, but significant, 

Ludicrous, as the story of this disappointed creature 
was, it had its effect. Cervantes and the women in- 
volved by these vague, if heinous, accusations were 
summarily placed in prison. Among outsiders, Diego 
de Miranda and Simon M^ndez were at once arrested. 
In jail the prisoners were examined. Their testimony 
was as direct as it was conclusive. Isabel de Saavedra 
avowed that Hernando de Toledo had visited her 
father twice, and she understood that the two men had 
known each other in Seville. Of Mdndez she was only 
aware that he was a friend of her father's who called on 
business. Constanza de Ovando had met Hernando de 
Toledo but once. M^ndez she had seen from time to 


time, and had understood tliat the Portuguese contractor 
called on business. Dona Andrea believed that this busi- 
ness was connected with Toledo, and added that people 
came to see her brother because he wrote and transacted 
aflfairs. In answer to a question, put with more than 
magisterial indelicacy, she declared that she knew 
nothing of any attentions, undesirable or otherwise, paid 
by Mendez to her niece Isabel. Juana GaytAn had 
known Ezpeleta for fourteen years as a friend of her late 
husband. Seeing her in mourning at Mass, and learning 
on inquiry that her husband was dead, Ezpeleta had 
called upon her three months previously to offer his 
condolence. The visit of Pastrana was explained by the 
fact that two posthumous books of Pedro Ldinez were 
dedicated to the Duke, who had come, with his friend 
the Conde de Concentayna, to thank her. 

These explanations were at once too simple and too 
complete for even the mind of the local Dogberry. The 
upshot was that Cervantes was let out on bail ; the 
women were released on the same terms, though for- 
bidden to quit the house ; Diego de Miranda was ordered 
to leave the Court within a fortnight, and Mendez was 
kept in custody for further inquiries. Finally the siege 
was raised with regard to the women (and, presumably, 
with regard to the luckless Mendez), and, nothing further 
was ever discovered with regard to Ezpeleta's assailant. 
It may be taken for granted that the interesting trio — 
Dona Isabel de Ayuda, the Court flunkey and his wife — 
sought other rooms when their fellow-lodgers came out 
of jail. Otherwise, it seems probable that they may 


have realised in full measure the significance of that 
terrible word, retribution.^ 

Not long after this occurrence, the Madrilenos sent 
a representation to the King, asserting that their city 
was going to rack and ruin because of the removal of 
the Court to Valladolid. The new capital was un- 
doubtedly inconvenient in more ways than one ; there 
had been considerable discontent among the courtiers 
and the literary folk who had grown accustomed to 
Madrid ; and, doubtless, there was no exaggeration in 
the statement that house property in the city on the 
Manzanares had greatly decreased in value. The 
Madrilenos had made out a fair case ; and the prospect 
of handling the 250,000 ducats proffered, with curious 
effrontery, by the deputation on condition that their 
city were once more chosen as the official centre, proved 
too much for Philip. On January 20, 1606, the change 
was made. Cervantes had no special reason for loving 
the Valisoletanos, no special attachment to the city, and 

^ "With regard to the Ezpeleta incident and its seqtielm, I have 
followed Juan Antonio Pellicer. The story is told in a more detailed 
manner hy M. A. de Latour in his "Valence et Valladolid" (Paris, 
1877). A drama with this motive, entitled "La Hija de Cervantes," 
hy Fern^ndez-Guerra y Orbe, was given at Granada on Pehruary 20, 
1840 (Mor^n, p. 123). I am not acquainted with it myself. 

The Senor de Higares, whose name is the thirty-first given in the 
list of maskers in the "Eelacidn," seems to have been a practical 
joker of the worst type. Cp. Cabrera de Cdrdoba, p. 19. Pastrana 
is introduced in the "Viaje del Pamaso" (yiii.) : 

" Desde alii, y no s6 c6mo, fui traido 
Adonde vi al gran Duque de Pastrana 
Mil parabienes dar de bien venido," etc. 

Q 2 


he probably left it soon after the removal of the Court. 
Where he wandered and what he did during the years 
1606-1607 is not precisely known ; but, from an anony- 
mous letter to Don Diego de Astudillo Carrillo, un- 
earthed in the Biblioteca Colombina by the well-known 
D. Aureliano Ferndndez-Guerra y Orbe, and first pub- 
lished (though only in part) in 1852 by Hartzenbusch 
in his edition of Alarcdn, it seems probable that he 
passed some time in Seville.^ The letter, which both 
Fernandez - Guerra and Hartzenbusch are agreed in 
ascribing to Cervantes, describes a burlesque tourney in 
which, among other writers, the author of Las Paredes 
Oyen and La Verdad Sospechosa took part, in July, 
1606, at San Juan de Alfarache. The authorship, is not, 
indeed, definitely established, but the epithets of El 
Caballero de Buen Gusto, of Don Golondronio Gata- 
tumbo, and Don Floripando Talludo, Principe de 
Chunga, seem to come from the cunning hand which 
coined the felicitous nomenclature of Don Quixote. 

But at last, soon or late, Cervantes returned to 
Madrid. In 1608, the year in which C^sar Oudin, 
according to Navarrete, published in Paris a French 
translation of El Curioso iTnpertinente,^ he was once 
more called upon to give an account of those outstand- 
ing debts to the Treasury which he, the excellent, 
neglectful, unbusiness-like man, had doubtless long 

1 Femdndez-Guerra y Orbe's transcript (since given in pamphlet 
form) first appeared in La Concordia (Mordn, p. 126). Cp. also the 
" Gbras," ii. pp. 255-301. 

2 I have not seen this translation, nor has M. A. Morel-Fatio. 
Its existence is very doubtful. For once, JSTavarrete may be mistaken. 


since forgotten. The memory of Francisco Sudrez 
Gasco was longer ; but in some fortunate way the debt 
was either discharged or mercifully forgiven. In this 
same year the defaulting genius had perhaps, in his per- 
functory style, corrected the proof-sheets of a new edition 
of Don Quixote. In April, 1609, he became a member of 
one of the many religious confraternities in which the 
social magnates and the literary men of the day were 
commonly enrolled. His wife and his sister Andrea 
were received as tertiaries of St. Francis in the month 
of June. Andrea had always formed an intimate part of 
his life. In spite of accumulated cares^and it should 
seem that the cares of a thrice-married woman were not 
slight — Miguel was never from her heart. She had 
helped, with her small means and her large-hearted 
indomitable perseverance, to rescue him from the 
Algerine captivity ; and, after her final widowhood, she 
seems to have lived with him continually. In her 
modest way she exerted herself towards the support of 
their common household. Of all his family, she seems 
most closely to have resembled him, and it is no small 
loss that we are acquainted solely with the tantalising 
outlines of her sweet, self-efi'acing, feminine character, 
with their soft, shadowy suggestiveness of charm. It 
must have been no common grief to the aging man 
when, on October 9, 1609, she died, — probably in the 
Calle de la Magdalena, where it is known that Cervantes 
was living in the preceding June. In June, 1610, he 
and his family moved into the Calle de Leon. If he 
had not been fortunate in his applications for employ- 


ment at Court, he had at least been happy in finding 
two powerful patrons in Bernardo de Sandoval y Kojas, 
Cardinal Archbishop of Toledo, and the Conde de 
Lemos ; the former the uncle, the latter the nephew and 
son-in-law of Lerma. Lemos was the good genius of the 
old man's last days. Eight years earlier he had been 
mentioned as a probable Viceroy of Naples. Long 
marked out for promotion, his time had now come, and 
in May, 1610, he left Madrid to take up the appoint- 
ment. He had, with a judicious taste for letters, a 
wholesome delight in the companionship of accomplished 
men, and the two Argensolas were among his suite. It 
seems probable that Cervantes hoped to be included 
herein ; but, possibly owing to some intrigue on the part 
of the Argensolas, his name did not appear in the list of 
nominations. It was beyond doubt a disappointment, 
for the sweet-tempered old man alludes to it pathetically 
and reproachfully in the Viaje del Parnaso. This 
omission has been explained away on the ground of his 
age; but he was probably not less competent than 
Lupercio Leonardo de Argensola, who died before him. 
How did Cervantes support his family during these 
hard years ? If we may fear that the support was not 
great, we may equally hope that there was none of the 
supererogatory folly which had misled him in Valladolid. 
For a moment Lemos had seemed to ofi'er a chance 
of ease and even comfort ; but that mirage soon faded 
into ether when Cervantes saw the author of La Fenix 
de Salamanca preferred before him. But if disappoint- 
ment could crush a man, he would long since have been 


annihilated, and, if lie were not chosen to be a diplo- 
matist or minister, he could always go back to his books 
and papers. In any case, it made no diflference to his 
grateful friendship for Lemos. In 1611 it is thought 
that he joined a literary society named the Academia 
Salvaje, while in 1612 he was probably giving the 
finishing touches to his Novelas Ejemplares, of which 
the Tassa is dated August 12, 1613. The volume 
included but twelve stories, though Cervantes, in his 
preface, speaks of publishing thirteen. It may be that 
at the last moment La Tia Fingida was cancelled, 
owing to some scruple on the part of the licensers. 

Perhaps he had found his models in the Novelle of 
Cinthio or II Lasca. In the wide realm of Spanish 
literature there was certainly space for some such 
adaptation. The first story is that of La Gitanilla. 
Here we are introduced to Preciosa, a gipsy girl with 
a face, in Longfellow's phrase, 

As beautiful as a saint's in Paradise, 

a model of virtue and accomplishment — but with a 
sharp savour of cynicism — who, in the Calle de Toledo, 
in Madrid, sings romances handed to her by a platonic, 
nameless admirer, whom we afterwards know as Sancho. 
We have a casual glimpse of the penury in which such 
respectable people as Dona Clara lived. Then Juan de 
Cdrcamo appears and out of hand proposes to marry 
Preciosa, who imposes on the youth a two years' pro- 
bation, which involves his dwelling among her people. 
After some natural hesitation, these hard and unex- 


peeted terms are accepted, and under the name of 
Andres Caballero, the young man enlists beneath the 
gipsy flag. In the fulness of time another stripling, 
appearing on the scene, is bitten by a gipsy's dog, and 
Preciosa's putative grandmother cures him with a hair 
of the dog that bit him. He discovers himself to Andres 
as Sancho, explaining that he has fled from Madrid to 
escape the consequences of a murderous street brawl ; 
and finally he also remains with the gipsies. The course 
of their wanderings brings them to an inn at a town in 
Murcia, where the daughter of the house, Juana Carducha, 
proposes to marry Andres. Piqued at her lack of success, 
she secretes some trinkets among his belongings and 
accuses him of theft. In a scuffle which follows, Andres 
kills a Copper Captain related to the Alcalde, and is 
carried off" to jail. Preciosa, imploring the corregidor, Fer- 
nando de Acevedo, to spare her lover's life, is discovered 
to be the daughter of the excellent ofiicial, and in due 
time the story ends with the conventional marriage. 

El Amante Liberal recalls forcibly some of the 
writer's experiences in Algiers. The scene of the novel 
is laid in Cyprus, where, after a rhetorical apostrophe 
to the ruins of Nicosia, Ricardo, a Christian captive 
from Trapani, confides to Mahamut, a repentant rene- 
gade, the story of his unhappy courtship of Leonisa and 
his jealousy of Cornelio, and explains how a crowd of 
corsairs swept down on Trapani, carrying off Leonisa 
and himself Scarcely has he declared that he believes 
Leonisa to be drowned, when she is discovered to be a 
prisoner in Cyprus, beloved by two Pashas and the Cadi. 


She remains in tlie custody of the Cadi, whose spouse, 
Halima, employs her to carry to Eicardo messages which 
suggest Potiphar's wife. Eicardo, who changes his name 
to Mario, becomes in like manner the confidant of the 
Cadi, and some curious scenes take place between the 
two messengers. Finally, the enamoured old man 
starts for Constantinople with Leonisa, Halima, Eicardo, 
and Mahamut, on the pretext of presenting the Christian 
slave girl to the Sultan. Hassan and Ali Pashas fit out 
two brigantines to attack the Cadi. A triangular fight 
follows, in which the Turks dispose of one another, and 
the Christians make off with the Cadi's spoil. On 
reaching Trapani they are met by the chief citizens, 
in whose presence Eicardo offers to endow Leonisa with 
all his wealth, and to bestow her upon Cornelio. This 
extraordinary outburst of generosity is rewarded in an 
appropriate manner, and M Amante Liberal is left in 
possession of his mistress. 

In Rinconete y Cortadillo we have the pure pica- 
resco novel in little. The two principals meet in an 
inn, and, exchanging confidences, discover themselves 
as rogues of the first water. Entering into partnership, 
they start for Seville, where, after victimising sacristans 
and pickpocketing at large in the Plaza de San Salvador, 
they fall in with Ganchuelo, who introduces them to the 
illustrious Monipodio, the keeper of an academy and 
refuge for thieves. The description of Monipodio's abode 
— the coarse engraving of Our Lady on the wall, the 
two rapiers, the three-legged stool, the broken-lipped 
pitchers— is in the finest style of the master. Moni- 


podio, witli his retinue of corrupt assistants — alguazils, 
lawyers, jailers, thieves, judges, pimps, wittols, and strum- 
pets — is of the grand school of comedy. Old Pipota, who 
makes herself three parts drunk before she goes to light 
her taper at Madonna's shrine ;, Ganchuelo, who would 
rather be a pious thief than a heretic, who says his 
rosary at least once a week, who never steals on 
Friday, and whose conscientious scruples forbid him 
to speak to any woman named Mary on Saturday — both 
these figures are admirable types of the mingling of 
blasphemous piety with brigandage, while Gananciosa 
and Escalanta represent a still more unrestricted abyss 
of blackguardism. Of Repolido and his battered mistress 
Cariharta, we are only favoured with a glimpse ; but the 
latter, with her tigre de Ocana, her notomia, her Judas 
Macarelo, is no unworthy predecessor of Mrs. Malaprop. 
The next story in the series — La JEspanola Inglesa 
— is concerned with the adventures of Isabel, who is 
carried off from the sack of Cadiz to London by Clotaldo, 
whose son Ricardo falls in love with her. The tale, in 
which Arnaut Mami is incidentally mentioned, is not 
worth analysing in detail. Enough that, after unex- 
ampled trials, the young people are at last made happy. 
The writer's felicitous knack of nomenclature has for 
once deserted him, for such names as Lansac, Tansi, 
and Guillarte can scarcely be accepted as typically 
English. The amiability of his character is shown in 
his kindly treatment of his hereditary enemies ; but, 
on the whole, it must be said that the air of plausibility 
and verisimilitude is absent throughout. 


Of JEl Licenciado Vidriera it is difficult to render 
any good idea in English. The sententious wisdom 
and apposite proverbs of Radajo — a scholarly Sancho, 
whose poisoning results in a plusquam Quixotic delu- 
sion which leads him to think that he is made of glass 
— defy all translation. The original is said to have been 
Caspar Barthius, and perhaps the legend is worth men- 
tioning.^ The Spanish sketch — in which not the least 
happy touch may be found in the well-known scene 
where the demented hero deprecates the throwing of 
stones on the ground that he is not Monte Testaccio — 
is full of that vivacity and brilliancy which are the 
peculiar appanage of the writer. 

The story of La Fuerza de la Sangre is an ampli- 
fication of the line, 

As wolves love lambs so lovers love tlieir loves. 

The brutal outrage with which the novel opens is pre- 
sumably atoned for, according to the ideas of the time, 
by the tardy reconciliation of Eodolfo and Leocadia 
seven years later. The ravishment of Leocadia is 
handled with an admirable largeness and power which 
redeem a strong undercurrent of brutality and repul- 

1 This is the orthodox version. But Cellini's castellan would 
have served equally well as the original, if Cervantes had ever 
chanced to hear of him. Cp. the "Vita di Benvenuto Cellini" 
(Firenze, 1829), ii. p. 25 : "... una volta gli parve essere un 
ranocchio, e saltava come il ranocchio; un' altra volta parve esser 
morto. . . . Questa volta si cominci5 a imaginare d' essere un 
pipistrello," etc. 


In El Celoso Extremeno we have another version of 
the old story that 

Crabbed age and youth 
Cannot live together. 

Threadbare as the theme may be, Carrizales, Leonora, 
Luis, and the subordinate characters are drawn with no 
common power and fidelity, while the general gloom 
in which the tale ends is of the most exemplary and 
edifying description. 

We have a variant of La Gitanilla in La Ilustre 
Fregona. Young Diego de Carriazo and Tomds de 
Avendano, and, in a less degree, Costanza, are all drawn 
from life, as are the two wenches Arguello and the 
young Gallega. It is in accordance with the existing 
ideas of the fitness of things that Costanza, a sort of 
heavenly scullion, should prove to be the natural sister 
of Carriazo, and that, leaving behind her the Toledan 
venta, she should marry Avendano. The life of the pot- 
house, the world of the inn-servants, and the conver- 
sation of the muleteers is given with a sustained spirit 
and vivacity which places La Ilustre Fregona in the 
front rank of tine Novelas. 

On the other hand, I class Las dos Doncellas as 
the poorest of the series. The complex story of Marco 
Antonio, Teodosia, Leocadia, and Rafael is handled in a 
singularly lifeless style and with a reckless disregard of 
the limits of the possible. The writer's artistic instinct 
is dormant and irresponsive. The casual meeting of 
brother and sister and the artificial solution of the diffi- 
culties of the situation are beyond all credulity ; nor 


are there any of the happy touches characteristic of the 
author to compensate for the monotonous extravagance 
of the central idea. 

Spain and Spaniards play an unimportant part in 
La Senora Cornelia, the scene of which is laid in 
Bologna and Ferrara. Antonio de Isunza and Juan de 
Gamboa are introduced merely to smooth the course 
of the true love of Cornelia Bentibolli (to keep the 
curious spelling of the original) and the Duke of 
Ferrara. Cornelia's brother Lorenzo is responsible for 
most of the intricacies which, after due prolongation, 
are worked out in a manner rather less than more 

El Casamiento Enganoso is in a richly comic vein, 
and here Cervantes' powers are seen almost at their best. 
Some of its humours are perhaps but little suited to our 
hypocritical age. Yet there is the sparkle of true merri- 
ment in Campuzano's account of the reciprocal decep- 
tions practised by himself and Estefania de Caicedo, 
who has firk'd a pretty living for many a year past 
in ways that will scarcely bear mention. It is another 
version of the biter bit : and the return of Clementa 
Bueso awakens the Alf^rez from a dream still sweeter 
than that of Christophero Sly. What wonder if the 
enlightened hero should wish 

it were most higli treason, 
Most infinite high, for any man to marry ! 

Beyond all doubt the best day's work ever done 
by Campuzano was his transcription of the marvellous 


Coloquio de los Perros. Here the Master stands, un- 
approached and unapproacliable, on his own ground, 
and every stroke of the scalpel is given with a merciless 
dexterity beyond rivalry. Berganza, indeed, does most 
of the talking, the existence of Cipion being justified 
by his putting leading questions, and by keeping his 
companion to the point. Berganza indulges in an im- 
partial retrospect of a varied life passed among shep- 
herds, merchants, students, alguazils in league with 
Monipodio, soldiers, gipsies, and, worst of all, a poet — 
the writer, as we are told, of a "comedy such that, 
though I am an ass where poetry is concerned, I 
thought that Satan himself had written it to ruin 
and annihilate this same "poet." This superior dog, 
who had certainly contemplated life from no restricted 
standpoint, discourses with gravity on the foibles of 
his various employers, each more unendurable than the 
other ; and it seems probable that his faithful report of 
the projector's conversation in the hospital may have 
afforded Ben Jonson, who had read everything, some 
suggestions for the character of Meercraft in The Devil 
is an Ass. 

This completes the catalogue of Novelas Ejemplares 
as originally published by the author, but in recent 
editions La Tia Fingida finds a place ; and though the 
authorship of the work may not be definitely demon- 
strated, there can be scarcely a doubt as to its authen- 
ticity in the minds of competent judges. The truncated 
adventures of Don Fdlix with Dona Esperanza de Torralva 
and the curious ethical lessons of Dona Claudia de Astu- 


dillo y Quinones were apparently too much for the 
age, at once easy-going and strait-laced, in which they 
were written. To ordinary eyes, there is but a micros- 
copic difference between the atmosphere of La Tia 
Fingida and the general tone of El Casamiento 

It is not necessary to-day to discuss the validity 
of the writer's boast that a profitable lesson may be 
drawn from each story. In any case, he was too 
accomplished an artist, at his best, to intrude any 
platitudinous moral on his reader. The tales were 
derived not so much from literary sources as from 
a fine, minute observation of life. Yet their literary 
merit is uiidoubtedly high. They are all characterised 
by the same simple, straightforward, uninvolved treat- 
ment, and what they lose in analytic ingenuity and 
complexity they gain in energy and directness. To 
a later generation, the artificial adjustment of the cir- 
cumstances, in La Gitanilla as in La Espanola 
Inglesa, may seem inartistic because incredible ; but, 
in a less sophisticated time, when extraordinary inci- 
dents filled the air with echoes, every -day miracles 
received an unquestioning acceptance. The present 
interest of the Novelas, as in the case of Quevedo's El 
Alguazil Alguazilado, lies in the side-lights thrown on 
the crepuscular phases of existence in the dark corners of 
a highly centralised society. The life of the Triana and 
of the courtiers lay side by side as reciprocally uncon- 
scious as life and death, and it is to the acute inter- 
pretation of Cervantes, amongst others, that we owe 


our introduction to the quaint contrasts of the time. 
The singular genius who wrote The Zincali, than whom 
no more competent critic could be found, has admitted 
in express terms that Cervantes has drawn some 
striking features of the gipsy character " with won- 
derful vigour and terseness," though, as Borrow acutely 
adds, " no sooner does he cause his gipsies to speak, in 
the course of his narrative, than we perceive that, like 
the hero and heroine, they too are * no gipsies,' but 
Busn6 in disguise."^ How far Cervantes was free to 
write what he chose is doubtful ; but it may be safely 
assumed that the main outlines are drawn' faithfully 
from nature, and that such imputations as that of incest 
(which it is difficult to think that Cervantes believed) 
were inserted by way of propitiation of the ruling 
powers. With no sparing hand, we are given pictures 
of that profound corruption, that universal prostitution 
of justice which was eating into the national existence 
like a corroding ulcer. 

The smuggler's horse, the hrigand and the shepherd, 
The march across the moor, the halt at noon. 
The red fire of the evening camp, 

the dense ignorance of the people, their astounding 
amalgam of superstition and irreligion, their highway 
robberies, their floggings, their corrupt pacts with public 
officers, their belief in witches, their murders, their ex- 
piatory pilgrimages to Madonna's shrine — all these are 
set forth with extreme definition and firmness in an 

1 "The Zincali" (London, 1841), i. p. 84. 


extraordinary kaleidoscopic medley, which, whatever its 
faults may be, is rarely uninteresting or tedious. When all 
deductions are made, we have a vivid picture of the age. 

Only the frame of the Novelas need be sought in 
Bandello or Cinthio or II Lasca ; for the interstices are 
not filled in with that repulsive compound of blood and 
lust which forms the groundwork of so many of the 
tales of the Italian Eenaissance, the last example of 
which may be said to have lingered on across the Alps, 
in a more concentrated form, to the days of the author 
of the putrescent Justine. Cervantes, too, has his 
occasional lapses from good taste as in his treatment 
of the motive of La Fuerza de la Sangre. Like most 
of his fellow-countrymen, he has a fatal command of 
sonorous and commanding eloquence — an eloquence, 
gorgeous, epideictic, Ehodian, in which he indulges 
with distressing copiousness. His faculty of selection 
and discrimination is not always vigilant, and his 
■demands upon the credulity of the reader are too often 
immoderate. But these are the almost inevitable faults 
of the literary pioneer ; and in Spain, in these regions 
at least, Cervantes was such a pioneer. The ease and 
grace of style, the rich humour and Eabelaisian savour 
of such work as the Coloquio, are more than enough to 
blot out a wilderness of minute flaws. 

However great their shortcomings may be, writers 
of succeeding ages, writers of his own land and of other 
nations, have not been chary in seeking their dramatic 
themes and freshening their inspiration in these Novelas 
of nuestro espanol Bocacio, as the brilliant creator of 


Don Juan Tenorio styled the writer in his Cigarrales- 
de Toledo. La Gitanilla has surpassed its fellows in 
popularity. It has been imitated in Spain by Solfs and 
in England by Middleton, who occasionally translates 
immediately from his original. In 1816 an actor on 
the Weimar stage, named Pius Alexander Wolflf, brought 
out a version which four years later inspired the lyric 
genius of Carl Maria Weber to the production of his 
Preciosa. Hugo's Esmeralda in Notre Dame de Paris, 
with her quelque chose de pur et de sonore, d'airien^ 
d'aile, and Longfellow's Preciosa, — the only character 
in The Spanish Student which shows the least spark 
of vitality, — both derive their intellectual descent more 
or less directly from the gipsy heroine of Cervantesv 
Gu^rin de Bouscal's tragi-comedy L'Amant liMral, 
published in Paris in 1637, shows its ancestry in its 
name. One of the themes of Middleton's Spanish 
Gipsy, which that virile genius develops with an 
extraordinary force of passion and horror, is taken from 
La Fuerza de la Sangre. The same story is included 
in the anecdote of Florian entitled Leocadie — a model 
of graceful style and flowing narrative. The lien 
between La Ilustre Fregona and Fletcher's Fair Maid 
of the Inn is close and immediate. Moratln's earliest 
play, Fl Viejo y la Nina, is an offshoot of El Celoso 
Fxtremeno. Fletcher, again, in Love's Pilgrimage has 
closely followed Las dos Doncellas, and his Marco 
Antonio, whom Alphonso denounces as 

Young Signior smootli-f ace ; he that takes up wenches 
With smiles and sweet behaviours, songs and sonnets, 


has stepped forth straight from the pages of the Spanish 
novel. This story has also had the doubtful honour of 
being dramatised for the French stage in 1639 by Jean 
de Eotrou, under the title of Les Deux Pucelles. Once 
more, Fletcher, who in The Chances has followed La 
Senora Cornelia, in Rule a Wife and have a Wife has 
drawn upon £1 Casamiento Enganoso. 

It is no small tribute to Cervantes' richness of 
invention, to the triumphant, inexhaustible fertility of 
his resource, his incalculable wealth of design, his 
redundant amplitude of ideas, that one of the mighty 
twin-brethren of the golden period of the English drama 
should have found in him a source of inspiration, so 
strong, so deep, so continuous and abiding, towards 
magnificent achievement. Across ihe wide, estranging 
gulfs of time, and despite all difi'erences of race and 
language, the author of the Novelas Ejemplares and 
the lesser of our superb Dioscuri clasp hands. There 
were giants in the earth in those days. Eripitur 
persona, manet res. 

R 2 



"Was hilft es, viel von Stimmung reden ? 
Dem Zaudernden erscheint sie nie. 
Gebt ihr euch einmal fiir Poeten, 
So commandirt die Poesie. 

Faust, Vor spiel auf dem Theater. 

No sooner were the Novelas Ejemplares before the 

public than the indefatigable veteran was at work 

again. The Perugian Cesare Caporali, 11 Stemperato, 

had died some twelve or thirteen years earlier, leaving 

behind him his Viaggio di Farnaso, a burlesque poem 

in terza rima, modelled after Berni, the pattern of 

all the secondary artists of his generation. The Italian 

poem of 1582 had come into the hands of Cervantes, 

and had suggested to him a Viaje del Farnaso which 

should be of a peculiarly local, Spanish type. The 

Coro Feheo de Romances Historiales had probably 

afforded a similar trouvaille to his receptive mind. 

Caporali's leading idea is retained, but the treatment 

of the theme is in many respects the writer's own. 


It had always been the day-dream of Cervantes to 
be considered, in his own phrase, 

Poeta ilustre 6 al menos manifico. 

The unexampled success of Don Quixote, and the very 
considerable vogue of the Novelas, had apparently 
brought his name into notice with the widow of Alonso 
Martin and the other publishers of Madrid, sufficiently 
at least to induce them to consider with favour his 
proposal of a poetic satire. On ne saura jamais com- 
bien les marchands de la pensee et de VScriture des 
autres, sont Mtes. The Tassa of the poem is dated 
September 17, 1614, and probably the book reached 
the public a few weeks later. 

In the initial lines, the obligations of the writer 
to his Perugian predecessor are gracefully acknowledged 
in a passage which contains a half-reminiscence of 
Eocinante. The description of Caporali's mule — 

Corta de vista, auaque de cola larga, 
Estrecha en los ijares, y en el cuero 
Mas dura que lo son los de una adarga — 

seems taken from an imagination in which the memory 
of Don Quixote's immortal steed played no common 
part. There is, then, a confession, half-earnest, half- 
jesting, but wholly pathetic, of that misplaced desire 
which for so long a time led the writer to conceive that 
poetry, pure and simple, was his vocation. 

. . . siempre trabajo y me desvelo 
Per parecer que tengo de poeta 
La graeia, que no quiso darme el cielo. . . . 


There are reflections on the proverbial poverty of poets, 
and an ironical farewell to Madrid, the centre and focus 
of all human greatness. Then we have a bantering 
reference to the theatres, the doors of which, closed 
upon the author of Don Quixote, are open to the 
commonest pretenders. 

Adi6s, teatros piiblieos, honrados 
Por la ignorancia que ensakada veo 
En cien mil disparates recitados. 

And finally there is the inevitable introduction of Don 
John and his herdica hazana. Beyond Carthage, the 
wandering bard falls in with Mercury, who hails him 
Addn de los poetas, compliments him on being one 
of Apollo's elect, and tells him that the enthusiasm with 
which his works are received move the envy of the base. 
The poet boards the galley of the fleet-footed god, 
describing in an "ingenious" passage a barque wherein 
the port-holes are formed of glosas, after the famous 


La bella mal maridada 
De las lindas que yo ri, 
Veote tan triste enojada 
La verdad dila tii k mi. 

The bank of oars is made up of fleet Romances ; the 
poop is beaten out of sonnets good and bad ; the stroke 
oars consist of synchronous tercets ; the gangway of 
a doleful elegy, with its linked sweetness only too long 
drawn out ; the murmuring parrals of swift redondillas, 
and the rigging of light seguidillas. In this fantastic 
galleon, Apollo summons from every part of Spain the 


bards who hold his name in fealty — ^Yangtieses, Vizcainos, 
and Coritos, all. 

Then the long roll-call, a tedious repetition of the 
•Canto de CaUope, begins. It is for the most part dreary 
reading. The few distinguished names are borne down 
by the disastrous avalanche of illustrious nobodies. 
Who to-day reads the immortal works of Francisco 
de Calatayud, Felix Arias, or Antonio de Monroy? 
Who knows or cares whether they ever published a 
line ? Here and there we meet with a happy touch. 
The venomous Gdngora is pleasantly bantered under 
the style of aquel agradahle, aquel bienquisto, and 
Cabrera de Cordoba, the useful Dryasdust of the day, 
is ironically classed with Tacitus. The faults of Espinel 
{and they were by no means small) are passed by with 
indulgence, and a grateful friendship for the actor 
Morales is recorded in the phrase, 

Adonde se repara mi ventura. 

The obsequious tone in which Cervantes speaks of the 
works of such grandees as the Conde de Salinas, the 
Principe de Esquilache, the Condes de Salbana and 
Villamediana — some of them writers undoubtedly of 
real merit, but by no means of the first order — testifies 
to the general consideration enjoyed, the reverential 
awe inspired, by noblemen in days when it was almost 
worth while to be a professional aristocrat. The kindly, 
natural side of the writer's genius is manifested in the 
gorgeous eulogy of a fifth phoenix, the Marques de 


Alcaniees, whose one distinction was that he had contri- 
buted a most detestable prefatory sonnet to the Novelas, 
The unhappy physical affliction of Quevedo is alluded 
to in terms which, if they are not (as they are not) in 
the best possible taste, are at least such terms as no- 
one but a personal friend, not doubtful of the reception 
of a risquS jest, would have been likely to use. In 
this instance at least the geniality of the intention 
snaps the thin thread of humour. The eulogy on Lope 
de Vega, though ample, has a certain quiet, subdued 
undertone of judicial reservation, impartiality, and 
measure, reflecting faintly and distortedly the unre- 
strained license and extravagance in which the superb 
playwright indulged in speaking of his rival. Cervantes,, 
on his side, is ungrudging and even generous in judg- 
ment ; but he is not enthusiastic. His reticence, so 
exceedingly uncharacteristic of him, suggests that some 
kind friend had repeated to him Lope's remark that 
no one was such a fool as to praise Don Quixote. 
Fortunately for his character, his pique did not deprave 
his sense of justice. To what he considered the luke- 
warmness, if not the treachery, of the Argensolas, an 
allusion is made in the third book. Mercury proposes, 
that his passenger should go ashore with a message 
to the two brothers — a proposition which is received 
with the dry remark that some one more pleasing to 
the great twin brethren should do the errand. And 
then we have a severe handling of the Diez Libros de 
Fortuna, and their Sardinian author, Lo Frasso, who, 
had he lived three score years earlier, might have 


attained a spurious immortality. The unhappy Lo 
Frasso ! A man born too soon, too much in advance 
of his age, may be allowed the consolation of thinking 
that posterity will redress the injustice of his contem- 
poraries. Only on the unfortunate born too late are 
the gates of mercy permanently closed. 

The most interesting — and to biographers the most 
important — passage in the Viaje may be found in the 
earlier part of the fourth book, with its reminiscences, 
its personal recollections, its invaluable garrulity, its- 
bede-roU of such past glories as the Galatea, the 
Comedias — 

que en su tiempo 
Tuvieron de lo grave y de lo afable — 

Don Quixote, the Novelas, some stray sonnets and 
infinite Romances, and its promise of a great Persiles 
to come. We are given an insight into the poverty 
of the writer when Timbreo bids him wrap his cloak 

around him. 

Bien parece, senor, que no se advierte, 
Le respondi, que yo no tengo capa. 

The remainder of the canto meanders on in a stream 
of reckless, cloying eulogy, which includes even such 
minnows as el hravo irlandSs Don Juan Bateo. In. 
the fifth book we arrive at the half-hearted, the almost, 
gentle massacre of the worthless writers of the day. 
But it is assuredly not worth while to follow in 
detail the castigation of good-for-nothing innocents like 
Arbolanche, the author of Las Havidas, upon whom the 
writer falls with some acrimony. The conflict of the 


poets is not very happily managed, though it may 
possibly have suggested the Battle of the Books to 
Swift. The coup de foudre, by which Venus saves 
the bad poets from the wrath of Neptune by turning 
them into pumpkins, is obviously an unconscious 
plagiarism from the 'AttokoXokvvtoxtoi;, and there are 
several passages which show that Juan de la Cueva's 
Coro Febeo had not been published in vain. 

The work would scarcely be Cervantes' if, beside 
Don John, we were not introduced once more to that 
prime favourite, Lope de Eueda, who is mentioned 
with all the enthusiasm characteristic of the writer 
when speaking of the great ones of his youth. The 
Duque de Pastrana (the noble whose visits had so 
disturbed the sensitive conscience of Isabel de Ayuda, 
the informer in the Ezpeleta affair) is spoken of in terms 
which would be absurdly exaggerated if applied to Sir 
Philip Sidney, and a magnificent compliment is paid to 
Juan de Tassis, the future lover of the wife of Philip IV. 
Of Tassis Conde de Villamediana, the author of some 
poems of tolerable merit, Cervantes says that accident had 
made him a noble, but that letters had crowned him king. 

Few works have ever excited greater diversities of 
critical opinion than this same Viaje del Parnaso. 
Ticknor, unsympathetic but judicious, cold but intelli- 
gent, delivers judgment in one |)rief sentence. "The 
poem of Cervantes has little merit." M. Guardia 
declares that in the Viaje we find "un critique de 
la grande ecole, d'une sagacity rare, d'un goiit exquis, 
incomparable dans I'art si difficile d'enseigner la v^rit^ 


en riant, et de rendre la sagesse aimable." The late 
Mr. Gibson, whose death has been sincerely deplored 
by every lover of Spanish letters, and whose translation 
of the Viaje is as admirable as a command of facile 
natural verse and an excellent knowledge of the original 
can make it, thought that, in the quality of self- 
revelation, the Viaje was not unworthy of comparison 
with Shakspere's Sonnets. Bouterwek's opinion is 
well known : " Next to Don Quixote it is the most 
exquisite production of its extraordinary author." 
" The poem is interspersed throughout with singularly 
witty and beautiful ideas, and only a few passages 
can be charged with feebleness or languor. It has 
never been equalled, far less surpassed, by any similar 
work, and it had no prototype." 

Mr. Gibson was, undoubtedly, an admirably sym- 
pathetic critic; but he too, often suffered from the 
excess of his quality. So, also, M. Guardia has a 
generous, loyal , enthusiasm for the great writer, whose 
verses he has rendered in pellucid prose— an exultant 
appreciation which one.who cannot share, it may still 
admire and envy. : Yet,/after all, i the .office of every 
judge is; to 'weigh in ,fine, scales, to balance this way 
and that, to add and to subtract, , to measure, ;to examine, 
to dissect, to arrive at his just conclusion: after a careful, 
even a minute, investigation to which hero-worship, 
and feverish sympathy, and enthusiasm are mortal 
enemies. To efface himself, to forget his absurd little 
personal piques, his ludicrous likes and dislikes, to 
forego his individual tastes, is the critic's paramount 


duty. Unhappily, the too generous enthusiasm of such 
zealots as Mr. Gibson and M. Gruardia for the man has 
discoloured their vision of the author, has outrun their 
discretion, distorted their picture, warped their judgment. 
The impartial critic must frankly confess that 
Cervantes was absolutely in tbe right in declaring 
that heaven had denied him the gift of song. Euterpe 
and Thalia were not among the Muses — there were 
still Muses in those days — who smiled upon his cradle. 
He assuredly was not one of those 

Olympian bards who sung 

Divine ideas below, 
Whicb always find ns young. 

And always keep us so. 

Indignatio facit versum ; but the wrath should be 
more or less impersonal if the author is to succeed in 
poetic satire. Now in Cervantes there was nothing 
of the demoniac, impersonal bitterness of Swift. Swift, 
like Cervantes, attacked people whom he disliked 
sincerely enough ; but in his writings we hear the 
accent of a contempt more general than individual. 
And so in the one case we find the expression of 
more or less superficial annoyance, and, in the other, 
profound, undying, insatiable indignation and hatred. 
Place the most acrimonious passage of the Viaje beside 
an average citation from the Battle of the Books. 
Collate such mild extracts as — 

TJn poeta Uamado Don Quincoces 
Andaba semivivo en las saladas 
Ondas, dando gemidos y no voces, — 


and the terrible description of Dryden in a helmet 
"nine times too large for the head, which appeared 
situate far in the hinder part, even like the lady in 
the lobster, or like a mouse under a canopy of state, 
or like a modern beau within the penthouse of a 
modern periwig," where one blow succeeds another 
with all the crushing effectiveness of Thor's hammer. 
We are forced to declare that, though Swift is certainly 
on the wrong side, and Cervantes, perhaps, on the 
right side of the controversy, Swift is the satirist of 
the type of the world, while Cervantes is merely the 
satirist of the individual. Cervantes is too personal. 
Now personality, like its co-relative mannerism, is one 
of the most delightful qualities in literature and art; 
but, to be effective, it needs restraint. Diderot has 
justly said : " Pour que I'artiste me fasse pleurer, il 
faut qu'il ne pleure pas." But this artistic subordina- 
tion is wanting in Cervantes. His generosity runs 
away with him. Even to an enemy, even to the 
lowest hack of all, to the vilest poet at the foot of' 
the sacred mount, he gives no swashing blow. He 
sets forth with the intention of gibbeting this poet 
and the other ; but his heart fails him. On his friends, 
on any scribbler not absolutely detestable, and on many 
who are beneath disdain, he pours his eternal cataract 
of cloying praise. He does not like Arbolanche and 
Lo Frasso, and, though he liked writers whose work 
was quite as worthless, it would be strange if he had 
thought highly of either. But, though they offer matter 
enough, his attacks are comparatively lifeless. His 


satiric verse has no truth, no reality, no movement, 
no savour but that of careless, good-natured con- 
tempt. The lack of bitterness so admirable in the 
man is disastrous to the satirist. The fine characteristic 
of the individual ruins his artistic work. 

The truth is that Cervantes had completely mis- 
taken the extent of his own powers. He had, unluckily 
for himself, in his boyhood seen that glorious vision 
of Poetry, which he describes in the Viaje in phrases 
more sonorous than impressive. It is a ha,rd saying 


Such sights as youthful poets dream 
On summer eve by haunted stream, 

are ever hurtful to the visionaries. But in Cervantes' 
case they were fatal. He had successfully crushed 
out one literary pest in Don Quixote. He probably 
disliked the poetasters of his generation as heartily 
as he disliked the crack-brained romances of chivalry. 
He thought himself destined in the Viaje to repeat 
the success that had accompanied his masterpiece. He 
would do for the bad poets what he had done for the 
bad prose writers ; and perhaps the will was not 
wanting. But the power is gone. The magician's 
wand is transferred from the left hand to the right. 
Cervantes writing verse is working with materials 
strange to him. Cervantes as a poet is Samson with 
his hair cut. And even to note his admiration for 
the nameless homunculi of his generation is pitiable. 
Is it possible that he admired these men and their 
work ? It is a deplorable sight to see the giant on his 


knees before a grotesque assemblage of dwarfs. There 
are, indeed, some happy passages in the work — some 
felicitous strokes of magniloquent rhetoric, graceful 
banter, and delicate irony. But these oases are rare 
and far apart, and on the whole the work must be 
pronounced a failure. Bouterwek, in his indiscreet 
and extravagant eulogy, admits it. His phrase is : 
" It yet remains a matter of doubt whether Cervantes 
intended to praise or ridicule the individuals whom 
he points out as being particularly worthy of the 
favour of Apollo." No doubt. But could any one 
pass a more damning judgment on a satire than to 
say that one knows not whether the writer means 
to praise or to ridicule ? Surely such satire must be 
singularly ineffective. And yet Mr. Gibson quotes the 
judgment of Bouterwek with undisguised satisfaction ! 

Fortunately the Adjunta al Parnaso, the too 
brief appendix of the Viaje, is almost in the finest 
manner of the master. Coming out of the monastery of 
Atocha, Cervantes meets with Pancracio de Roncesvalles, 
who, being an apparently well-to-do person, scares the 
writer with the brazen observation that he, Pancracio, 
is also a poet and a dramatist whose works have been 
more or less deservedly hooted off the stage. The 
writer endeavours to console Pancracio by saying 
that comedies, like pretty women, have their good 
and bad days — an observation which he repeats a little 
later in reference to some comedies of his own which 
no actors or managers can be induced to play. Pan- 


cracio then hands a paper to Cervantes, who receives 
it with the remark that, though the proverb has it 
that money spent on alms, on doctors, and on letters, 
is money well spent, he once in Valladolid paid a 
real on a note which contained an abusive sonnet 
on Don Quixote — a circumstance which has made him 
chary of taking in unpaid letters — and, perceiving that 
the present epistle will cost him seventeen maravedis, 
he proposes that Pancracio should take it back again, 
since no letter in the world could ever be worth half a 
real to the receiver. However, the document in question 
is from the Delphian Apollo, who tells Cervantes that 
Parnassus is full of poets grumbling about the omission 
of their names from the Viaje ; and, with greetings to 
Espinel and Quevedo, the god adjoins a humorous 
catalogue or code of rules and axioms with regard to 
poets — such as that if a poet says he be poor, the 
declaration be accepted on his simple statement ; that if 
a poet should say he has dined, he be disbelieved and 
pressed to eat ; that every poet be of a mild disposition 
and stand not on points, though he may have holes 
in his stockings ; that mothers may lawfully use the 
names of certain poets as bogies to their children, and 
that every poet, though not the author of a heroic 
poem or a first-rate play, be styled M Divino. 

Bouterwek's judgment on the Adjunta is worth 
quoting for its unique infelicity : " It is only to be 
regretted that Cervantes has added to the poem a comic 
supplement in prose in which he indulges a little too 
freely in self-praise." The curious faculty which can 


find delight in the fustian eloquence of the Viaje, in 
Cervantes at his worst, and can see nothing in a work 
in the happiest manner of the writer ! After all, the defi- 
ciencies of the Viaje may be pardoned in exchange for the 
large manner, the fine humour of the Adjunta. Here 
the great man treads untrammelled by the difficulties, 
the conditions of verse. In verse he is always hampered 
by those technicalities of form for which his feeling is 
rudimentary and amid which his genius never has fair 
play. When his vehicle is prose, his touch is as deli- 
cate, his tact as fine, his humour as exquisite as ever. 
Nor is it unnatural that at this moment his vein should 
be of the finest. Apollo's letter is dated July 22, 1614. 
Two days earlier Cervantes had written the letter which 
Sancho sent to his wife Teresa. One is reminded by 
Bouterwek's criticism of Bahrdm, "that great Hunter" — 

The Wild Ass 
Stamps o'er his head but cannot break his sleep. 



torri, o celle, 
donne, o cavalieri, 
giardini, o palagi ! a voi pensando 
In mille vane amenity si perde 
La mente mia. . . , 

Paraissez, Naivarrois, Maures et Castillans, 
Et tout ce que I'Espagne a nourri de vaillants ; 
TJnissez-vous ensemble, et faites une arm^e, 
Pour combattre une main de la sorte anim^e. 

Le Gid, Act V. se. i. 

The last years of Cervantes' life were fruitful in 
artistic work. In his hotise in the Calle del Duque de 
Alba he corrected the proof-sheets of those Comedias y 
Entremeses to which an extended reference has been 
made in an earlier chapter. They were neglected by 
contemporaries ; they have been deservedly condemned 
by the maturer judgment of posterity as failures the 
most disastrous. One play indeed — and that not a play 
included in the luckless volume of 1615 — has found an 
admirer illustrious among the admirers of Cervantes. 


The scarcity of such zealous devotees for Cervantes' 
dramatic work is sufficient excuse for a verbatim 
quotation from Shelley : "I have read the Numancia, 
and after wading through the singular stupidity of the 
first act, began to be greatly delighted and at length 
interested in a very high degree, by the power of the 
writer in aWakening pity and admiration, in which I 
hardly know by whom he is excelled. There is little, I 
allow, to be called poetry in this play ; but the com- 
mand of language, and the harmony of versification, is 
so great as to deceive one into an idea that it is 
poetry." ^ si sic omnia ! 

Shelley's is no doubt a mighty name, and he ad- 
mired with a generosity which would have appealed to 
Vauvenargues. Unlike El Rufidn Dichoso, which is 


One of those comedies in which you see, 

As Lope says, the history of the world 

Brought down from Genesis to the Day of Judgment, 

the Numancia is redeemed by its solemnity, its 
sincerity, its majestic pomp. It is in any case infinitely 
superior both in design and execution to the formal 
plays and sainetes of which the volume of 1615 is 
composed. On these the judgment of M. Emile Chasles 
may, with little qualification, be taken as final : " A 
entendre ces abstractions bavardes, a voir cette 
recherche dtourdie et ce faux gotit, on se croirait a 

1 In a letter written from Pisa, April 19, 1821. "The Prose 
works of Percy Bysshe Shelley, edited by Harry Buxton Forman" 
(London, 1880), iv. p. 200. 

a 2 


mille lieues du bon sens viril qui dclatera dans Don 
Quichotte." ^ 

Posterity, like the friendly critic mentioned in the 
preface to the volume of the Comedias, has decided that 
Cervantes' verse is good for nothing. But he was a 
man with many irons in the fire. For thirty years he 
had been buffeted about by chance and fortune, picking 
up a scanty living as he could ; shifting from one spot to 
another ; doing common hack-work ; writing his Novelas 
and his Viaje, with a retrospicient eye on the jail; 
now and again contributing short poems, as he was 
pleased to call them, to the ecclesiastico - literary 
tournaments then so much in vogue ; and finally, 
working by fits and starts on the second part of Don 
Quixote in such intervals of time as he could snatch 
from the treadmill of bread-winning. The last words of 
the first part, a quotation (or, more characteristically, a 
misquotation) from Ariosto — 

Torse altri canterk con miglior plettro — ^ 

left it doubtful whether the writer seriously intended to 
complete the work himself. Assuredly he mentions the 

1 "Miguel de Cervantes: sa vie, son temps, son oeuVre politique 
efc litt^raire" (Paris, 1866), p. 232. 

Longfellow had a passage in the " Arte nuevo de hacer comedias " 
in his mind. 

" Porque considerando que la c61era 
De un espanol sentado no se templa 
Si no le representan en dos horas 
Hasta el final juicio desde el Genesis," etc. 

(Eivadeneyra, xxxviii. p. 231). 
* " Orlando Furioso," xxx. 16. Cervantes, who never verified a 
quotation, gives it thus : Ford altw cantera con miglior plectio. 


forthcoming appearance of Don Quixote in the preface 
to the Novelas, but in the same passage he mentions 
the Semanas del Jardin which was never to see the 
light. A modest writer, however, would never, under 
any circumstances, have undertaken the task of con- 
tinuing Don Quixote. A scrupulous writer, not to say 
a respectable man, would never have undertaken the 
task without the author's consent. Cervantes, working 
leisurely at the second part and putting into it as much 
care as his nature would allow, had apparently reached- 
the fifty-ninth chapter when he learned with angry con- 
sternation that a spurious continuation of Don Quixote 
had been published at Tarragona, by an allonymous writer 
calling himself Alonso Fernandez de Avellaneda. 

It was by no means a new thing in the history of 
Spanish letters that a work begun by one hand should 
be ended by another. The Diana of Montemayor had 
been thus continued in 1564 both by Alonso P^rez and 
Gil Polo ; while in 1605 (the year in which the first part 
of Don Quixote was published) Mateo Alem&,n's Guzmdn 
de Alfarache was similarly treated by Juan Marti, 
under the pseudonym of Mateo Luj^n de Sayavedra. It 
may be freely admitted, then, that Avellaneda had more 
than one bad precedent. But the most shameless of 
these self-nominated assistants had generally thought it 
necessary to allude to the original writer in terms of 
civility, or, at least, to abstain from coarse, invective 
and indecent obloquy. Avellaneda, however, improving 
on previous examples, overflows with insolence and 
venom at every pore. He takes the opportunity of 


sneering at Cervantes' bragging preface, proclaims Jhim 
a surly grumbler like most other jail-birds, and, with 
unholy exultation, declares that the tongue of the world- 
worn veteran wags more freely than his hand — the 
hand which had been injured at Lepanto.'^ Gongora^ 
had, with characteristic amiability, compared Cervantes 
to the gray, battered castle of San Cervantes ; and 
Avellaneda, whose originality was certainly not his 
strongest point, hastened to adopt the image of effete 
senility as his own.^ 

It has been thought that behind the mask of 
Avellaneda might be discerned the personality of the 
Inquisitor-General, Luis de Aliaga, of the miserable 
Dominican Blanco de Paz of Algiers, of Andres , Perez^ 
the author of the pornographic Plcara Justind, of Bar- 
tolom6 Leonardo de Argensola, of Alarcon and, according 
to the late Mr. Kawdon Browne, the personality of Caspar 
Sehoppet This last, the most fantastic conjecture of all, 
is on a par with the singular theory of the same writer 
that the original of Sancho Panza was Pedro Franqueza, 

^ " Segundo Tomo del Ingenioso Hidalgo Don Quixote de la 
Mancha, que contiene su tercera salida : y es la quinta parte de sua 
auenturas. Compuesto por el Licenciado Alonso Fernandez de 
Auellaneda, natural de la Villa de Tordesillas " (Tarragona, 1614). 

"... digo mano, pues cofiesa de si q tiene sola vna . . . 
tiene mas lengua que manos. . . . Y pues Miguel de Ceruantes ea 
ya de viejo como el Castillo de san Ceruantes, y por los anos ta mal 
contentadizo, q todo y todos le enfadan, y por ello est^ tan falto 
de amigos . . . pero disculpa los hierros de su primera parte en 
esta materia el auerse escrito entre los de vna carcel, y assi no pudo 
dexar de salir tiznada dellos, ni salir menos q quexosa, mormuradora,. 
impaciete, y cplerioa, qual lo esta los encarcelados," etc. — Pr61ogo. 

^ For Gdngora's "Komance " see Eivadeneyra, xxxii. p. 513. 

"BON' QUIXOTE^" 263 

once a servant of Lerma's and, later, Secretary of State. 
Schoppe has enough to answer for without loading him 
with the burden of Avellaneda's sins- This quaint, 
distorted idea, unsupported by any shred of evidence, 
may be disposed of by a comparison of dates. On Mr. 
Eawdon Browne's showing, Schoppe arrived in Madrid 
in March, 1614. Assuming that he set to work next 
day on the congenial task of defamation, it is incredible 
that he could have written an octavo volume of 282 
folios and have had it in a state sufficiently advanced 
to allow of the censor issuing his official license by 
April 18. No one who has any appreciation of the 
possibilities of Spanish official despatch would credit 
a story so absurd.'^ 

The mask of the Tarragonese is not easily pierced ; 
but it can hardly be doubted that, as D. Eamdn Leon 
Mainez has pointed out, if the hand is the hand of 
Avellaneda, the voice is the voice of Lope de Vega, still 
smarting under two or three thrusts in the first part of 
Don Quixote. The ironical apology for the absence of 
prefatory sonnets by dukes, marquises, counts, and folk 
of that kidney ; the obvious banter of Lope's weakness 
for classical quotation in the reference bo Plato and 
Aristotle ; the satirical allusion to the great man's 
heraldic emblems, and, worst of all, the fatal forty-eighth 
chapter, in which a most fertile wit is formally censured 

1 See Mr. Eawdon Browne's articles in the Aflienoeum of April 12 
(pp. 471-473), April 19 (pp. 503-505) and May 3 (pp. 564-566), for 
the year 1873. A more ingenious collection of perverse speculation 
it would be difficult to find. 


for playing down to the level of his audiences — all these 
gave unpardonable offence to the Behemoth of the stage. 
The grossest adulation had hitherto been to him as the 
breath of his nostrils. The most gentle criticism was 
looked on as the rankest blasphemy.^ Avellaneda makes 
no attempt to disguise his championship of Lope, In his 
preface he speaks with bitter resentment of Cervantes' 
impertinence in talking slightingly of an honoured 
writer who for many years had honestly and fruitfully 
amused the Spanish people with marvellous comedies 
out of all number, with the variety of style which the 
public seeks and the sound principles which are expected 
from a minister of the Holy Ofl&ce. The reference to 
Lope is distinct and unmistakable, and it may safely be 
assumed that his malignant genius informs every line of 
Avellaneda's venomous preface. For malignant Lope 
undoubtedly was ; his sacred orders never made him 
more than a man. Eleven years earlier he had 
denounced Don Quixote in private letters, and doubtless 
among his own clique of parasites. That . denunciation 
had proved futile. The jealous Titan for ten long years 

1 Quevedo fluttered tlie Volscians in the " Historia de la vida del 
Buscdn" (lib. i. cap. ix.) : " 'Pues oiga vuesa merced un pedacito de un 
librillo que tengo heclio A las once mil virgenes, adonde 4 oada una 
he compuesto cincuenta octavas, cosa rica. . . . Otras m4s altas he 
hecho yo (dijo) por una mujer i quien amo ; y ve aqui novecientos y un 
soneto y doce redondillas (que parece que contaba escudos por mara- 
vedis) hebhos i las piernas de mi dama.' Yo le dije que si se las 
habia visto ^1 ; y respondidme que no habia hecho tal por las drdenes 
que tenia; pero que iba en profecia los conceptos." See also the 
sonnet, " Lope dicen que vino — No es posible," in the " Adici6n 4 
las Musas " (Rivadeneyra, Ixix. p. 492). 


had nursed his noble rage, until at last, as he realised 
that the reputation of Do7i Quixote grew and grew con- 
tinually, his bitterness of soul became unendurable. 
Some vengeance must be taken, and so it came about 
that Avellaneda, behind his opaque domino and mask, 
represented Lope and his train. To Lope the bare 
thought of rivalry was insufferable. Till Don Quixote 
appeared no rival had ever dared to come within the 
shadow of his throne, and its lasting success was torment 
to his soul. It was too plain that the world had gone 
stark-mad, captivated by the book of the poverty-stricken, 
maimed wanderer who, after a life of squalid failure, 
had had the assurance to produce a masterpiece. It 
was no longer possible to kill Don Quixote by the cheap 
sneer that no one was such an ass as to praise it. Lope 
had played that card, and no longer cherished any such 
delusion. It was too obvious that that trick had failed ; 
the whole world — " mostly fools " — was in the con- 
spiracy of appreciation. But it was still possible to 
injure ; still possible to defame ; still possible to rob the 
old man of a few doubloons ; still possible to deride him, 
to wound his pride, to forestall his market by writing a 
continuation of the accursed volume which had dared to 
thrust itself between Lope and the public — 

Which, if not victory, is yet revenge. 

Impotent to crush the writer or to annihilate his book, 
it was the wish of Lope to do him as much harm as 
possible ; and if a bushel or two of insult could be 
superadded, all that was so much to the good. 


Avellaneda's work is, indeed, by no means without 
merit. Under pain of temerariousness, as the theo- 
logians say, one may venture to dissent from the 
judgment of Sainte-Beuve, who declared the spurious 
Don Quixote to be slow and heavy.-' It is, in fact, a 
work of considerable interest and entertainment and, 
were Cervantes not in possession of the field, it would 
still find readers. No doubt there are faults of taste and 
execution in it ; forgetfulness, as, for example, in the 
suppression of Sancho's immortal ass ; want of judgment, 
as in the killing off of Don Quixote's niece ; a failure in the 
power of selection, as in the manipulation of the stories 
of El Rico Desesperado and Los Felices Amantes 
(borrowed from Heisterbach, Passavanti, and other 
sources) ; all these are rife. These last two interpolated 
episodes, though clever enough, are excessively crapulous ; 
and it remains a standing wonder that an Inquisitionary 
officer should have written or inspired them, and that a 
clerical censor should have passed them. But the 
entertaining quality of the book is undeniable. Le 
Sage championed it with indiscriminating enthusiasm. 
Writing in 1704, he says that there are points of 
resemblance between Avellaneda's continuation and that 
of Cervantes, but that, as Cervantes wrote his second 
part long after Avellaneda, it is easy to judge which was 
the copyist. As for xALvellaneda's Sancho, it must be ad- 
mitted, says the brilliant Frenchman, that he is excellent, 
and even more original than the creation of Cervantes.^ 

1 "Nouveaux Lundis " (Paris, 1885), viii. p. 28. 

^ " Nouvelles Avantures de 1' Admirable Don Quichotte " (Paris, 


Le Sage's expanded version was read everywhere, and, 
as appears from a passage in the Essay on Criticism, 
came at last into the hands of Alexander Pope,^ 

M. Germond de Lavigne, in a later age, has repeated 
the perfidious declaration of Le Sage against the origi- 
nality of Cervantes. But, accomplished special pleader 
as he is, M. G-ermond de Lavigne has forgotten that the 
case is to be argued, not at Nisi Prius but at the bar 
of history. It is as certain as anything can be that 
Cervantes had reached his fifty-ninth chapter before he 
heard of Avellaneda's version. The false Don Quixote 
was published in 1614, the true in 1615 ; and the re- 
semblances between the two may be accounted for by 
Cervantes' unwary habit of reading to others what he 
had written long before it was ready for the press. Na 
doubt it would have been wiser to abjure these fatal 
primeurs ; no doubt it would have been more discreet 

1704). See Preface : " II faut done remarquer que s'il se trouve des 
choses qui out quelque ressemblance dans ces deux secondes Parties,, 
Cervantes n'ayant compost la sienne que long-tems apr^s celle d'Avel- 
laneda, il est ais6 de juger lequel a est^ le Copiste. . . . Pour son 
Sancho, il faut demeurer d'accord qu'il est excellent, et plus original 
mime que celui de Cervantes." 

1 " Once on a time La Mancha's knight, they say, 
A certain hard encount'ring on the way, 
Discoursed in terms as just, with looks as sage, 
As e'er could Dennis, of the Grecian stage ; 
Concluding all were desperate sots and fools. 
Who durst depart from Aristotle's rules." 

Essay on Criticism, v. 267 et seq. 

There is nothing in Avellaneda about Aristotle's rules. The- 
passage to which Pope refers may he found in Le Sage's version,, 
1. p. 377. 


had Cervantes, instead of filling the earth with his 
indignant lamentations, calmly ignored Avellaneda's 
larceny, just as it would be better were we all angels or, 
as Cardinal Newman ironically says, all pigs. But with 
such beings as ourselves, in such a world as the present, 
it would be indeed surprising if honest folk showed no 
indignation against sharpers, whether clerical or lay. 

The jeremiads of Cervantes were, however, super- 
fluous. His enemy's book, considerable as it is, simply 
ceases to exist when placed alongside the true Don 
Quixote. His angry protests against the appearance of 
the spurious version, though sufficiently justified from 
the personal point of view, are so much charivari 
to later generations, since Avellaneda's very name is 
scarcely known to them, and from his phantom head 
Cervantes' furious blows recoil inefi"ectually. 

The first part of Don Quixote was published in 
1605, the second part in November, 1615. It is not 
difl&cult to trace the passage of years in the difference of 
tone which characterises the two parts. Yet no' book 
has more signally contradicted Sanson Carrasco's sweep- 
ing statement that no second part was ever worth any- 
thing. The unity of design is maintained throughout, 
and, save perhaps in the character of Sancho, the con- 
ception shows a simplicity and firm consistency beyond 

On Don Quixote Cervantes' reputation depends. 
His feeble plays are killed, his admirable novels 
obscured, by the lustre of his masterpiece. One feels in- 
clined to reverse the question, and ask how it happened 


that the ^fiasco of the Comedias did not react on Don 
Quixote. Yet who knows Prdvost save as the author of 
Mdnon Lescaut, Bernardin de Saint-Pierre save as the 
author of Paul et Virginie, Gustave Flaubert save as 
the author of Madame Bovary ? The Galatea and the 
Comedias are not more neglected than Cleveland and 
the Doyen de Killerine, than the Voyage d Vile de 
France and the Chaumidre Indienne, than the Tenta- 
tion de St. Antoine and Bouvard et Picuchet. 

By a curious coincidence, Hamlet and Don Quixote 
appeared in the same year. M. Ivan Turgenev, in a 
most discriminating and suggestive paper, has drawn 
attention to the points of contrast between these 
two opposed, cosmopolitan types of dreamers.^ Don 
Quixote stands for faith, belief in the eternal, in the im- 
mutability of truth. Miracles, marvels, prodigies are 
not to him acousmata ; they are the stuff of daily 
experience. Hamlet is the very genius of introspection, 
of doubt, of discouragement. He perceives things as 
they are ; sees them from even too many points of view ; 
is discouraged at the aspect of himself and all ; distrusts, 
doubts, hesitates, balances, dissects, falters; has the 
scholar's contempt for the general, the analyst's acid 
appreciation of the irony of life. Don Quixote, on the 
other hand, has an imagination too puissant for the 
laws of logic or the evidence of his senses. For him the 
filthiest bread is of the finest grain ; the stockfish is a 

1 M. Ivan Turgenev's article, to which I am much indebted, may 
be found in the BibliotMque Universelle et Revue Suisse for July, 


trout; the kitchen wenches are the noblest of dames; the 
landlord is a knightly, warder, the inn an ancestral 
castle ; the hog-gelder tootling on his reed is a herald 
sounding a challenge in the lists. If the Manehegan 
knight slashes at the wall and declares thereafter that 
he has slain four giants tall as towers ; if he drinks 
from a pitcher a draught of cold water and swears it is 
a potion brought him by the sage Esquife, he is not 
lying — his imagination runs away with him. Yet 
even Don Quixote has his lucid moments and can see 
when he is being made a fool of ; as when the trader, 
anxious for his life, says that if Dulcinea's portrait 
showed her to be blind of one eye and suppurating 
sulphur and vermilion from the other, he and his com- 
panions would cheerfully, in praise of her matchless 
beauty, swear to anything that they were asked. But 
the next moment the spell falls on him once more. He 
charges a phalanx of knights in all their panoply, and 
finds that he has slain some score of sheep ; he captures 
Mambrino's helmet, all of the purest gold, and finds 
that, to the rest of the world, it is an ordinary barber's 
bowl of base metal ; he attacks a mere handful of 
giants, and is thwacked and buffeted by the arms of 
windmills. What then ? He is never daunted ; his 
faith is too complete, his confidence too sublime ; magic 
has changed them into what they seem. His imagina- 
tion pierces into prehistoric times. He can even visualise 
his legendary heroes ; the faces and forms of the fictitious 
knights are palpable to him ; he has been there, away, 
beyond, into the mythic lands ; he has seen the mighty 


men, known them, loved them, honoured them. He has 
a vein of reminiscence, as it were, Orlando, he thinks, 
was bow-legged ; Rinaldos, ruddy ; and Amadis — there 
is no doubt about Amadis — was tall and black-bearded. 
So the dreams to him are facts ; the facts are dreams. 
Even while his bones ache from the windmill-blades he 
holds it proved that the enchanter Friston, or another, 
rules it so. An officer of the brotherhood cracks Don 
Quixote's skull ; but the victim's faith moults no feather. 
Ignoring the obvious fact, he calmly talks of "the wound 
the phantom gave me." Don Quixote has his ideal, his 
faith, and he is well content to accept it uncomplain- 
ingly ; for it, no sacrifice can be excessive. Hamlet is 
perpetually examining the basis, the intellectual fabric 
of belief. He is content to think himself a coward, 

content to say : 

Why, what an ass am I ! 

— yet even of that Hamlet is not quite sure. 

He is the cultured, delicate, fastidious aristocrat. 
The canaille, with its loathsome vulgarity, has long 
-weighed upon him. He is urged to say : " this three 
years I have taken note of it; the age is grown so 
picked that the toe of the peasant comes so near 
the heel of the courtier, he galls his kibe." He thinks 
it right to think the worst. Of his very mother he is 
forced to say that she posts 

With such dexterity to incestuous sheets. 

Then the point of view shifts, and he suspects the 
devil, who, all in potency, abuses him to damn him. 


Even when on the track of truth he is haunted by the 
dread of hallucination. The groundlings, the unskilful, 
the barren spectators — these are the objects of his 
loathing. Don Quixote, old, poor, and weak, makes 
it his duty to compassionate the wretched, to succour 
the miserable whom he does not know, whom he has 
scarcely seen. If a few jail-birds get loose in the pro- 
cess, these are the inevitable incidents of reform. Don 
Quixote is the incarnation of optimism, Hamlet con- 
centrates in himself the genius of pessimism. To vary 
the simile : Don Quixote is a mediaeval Mark Tapley in 
excelsis; Hamlet finds all things for the worst in this 
worst of all possible worlds. The village maiden, Aldonza 
Lorenzo, is transformed by Don Quixote into the peerless 
Dulcinea del Toboso — the sublime of the ideal. Ophelia, 
the courtly flower, is degraded by Hamlet into the most 
abject depths of baseness — a breeder of sinners. And 
yet Don Quixote has the compensation of his credulity, 
while Hamlet is racked by the torment of his scepticism. 
The one has merely his lacerated head, the other his 
bursting heart. The idealist undergoes a purely phy- 
sical pain ; the materialist suffers a psychological agony. 

Turn to Sancho. His character is a miracle of wit. 
In Coleridge's phrase, " be reverences his master at the 
very time he is cheating him." ^ He is the average 
man wbo applies the frigid antidote of common sense 
to his chiefs feverish delusions. He is prose, his lord 
is poetry ; he is commonplace, the knight is romantic. 
1 Coleridge's Works (New York, 1884), vi. p. 411. 


He has an intense appreciation of a solid fact. To him 
sheep are sheep ; windmills are windmills ; basins are 
basins. Nothing can persuade him that they are knights, 
or giants, or helmets. Illusions are not for him. He 
sees his family as they are. He will not hear of his 
wife being a queen. He knows her : "she is not worth 
two maravedis as a queen ; countess will fit her better, 
and that only with the help of God." Yet when his 
own interest is concerned, he is credulous enough. The 
knight-errant is wrong about many things ; but he may 
be reckoned on for an island. Sancho's selfishness 
appears at the outset. He not only is anxious about 
the immediate delivery of the governorship ; he revels 
in complaint, however small may be his ache — unless, as 
he says, there be a rule against squire-errants com- 
plaining. When his cavalier encounters the Biscayan, he 
hopes that victory may light upon his chieftain's arms so 
that the island may be entered on at once. If the 
singing makes him drowsy, he hypocritically suggests to 
his leader that the, minstrels are tired and long for sleep. 
He is often enough brutal and vulgar ; he would have 
said with justice that Don Quixote had manners for both. 
He is loquacious to such an extent that, rather than be 
silent, he will abandon the hope of governing all the 
islands in the world, and will even go home to his wife and 
children, to whom he can chatter as much as he pleases. 
There is a vein of cunning in his simplicity. If his 
candour, joined to his sense of absurdity, leads him to 
tell the curate and the barber that his master is mad, it 
stops short of revealing the fact that he himself has been 


soundly blanketed. He has humour ; Don Quixote has 
good humour. But Sancho improves with the develop- 
ment of the book, His selfishness, his vulgarity, his love 
of gossip, his hypocrisy, his avarice are diminished till 
they assume the highly respectable forms of worldly 
wisdom, outspokenness, cordiality, tact, and providence. 
He too becomes infected with something of the self- 
sacrificing enthusiasm of the mad Manchegan knight. He 
stands for the accessibility of common minds to lofty 
ideals, for the influence of refinement, for the power of 
association and environment. Thus the corrupt glutton 
of the earlier chapters is so purified by association with 
a superior type that, after having ruled Barataria with 
credit to his master and himself, he leaves his governor- 
ship, not only clean-handed, but as poor as when he 
entered on it ; and when all his dreams are melted into 
thin air, and Don Quixote, renouncing all his visions, 
abjuring his delusions, lies dying upon his hard pallet, 
the squire, who began by laughing at him and cheating 
him, bursts into tears at parting from the master he has 
loved so well. If he starts out with Don Quixote for the 
love of lucre, he at last remains unselfishly to admire 
where he had scofl^ed, and to accept the essential dignity 
and elevation of a character which he can reverence 
if he cannot understand. 

Sancho has his transitory troubles ; yet he was 
assuredly not unhappy in this world. He rubs his 
bruises and forgets them as speedily as may be ; his 
peptics are too well ordered to let him mope his life 
away. Don Quixote, dwelling in a diviner air, is never 


touched by wounds or pains. While his alienation 
lasted he would have said with Torrismond : 

There is a pleasure, sure, 
In being mad, which none but madmen know ! ^ 

His buffetings, his discomfitures and his humiliations are 

his glory and not his shame— works of the powers of 

darkness over whom the victory of the children of 

light is doubly sure. His sustained faith, his purity 

of purpose, his championship of the weak against the 

strong, his unmurmuring acceptance of defeat — certain 

that the explanation lies, not in the weakness of his 

cause, but in his own unworthiness — not only redeem 

him from the hand of ridicule, but make him one 

of the noblest and most admirable of the mind's 


Nor have I pitied him ; but rather felt 
Keverence was due to a beiag thus employed ; 
And thought that, ia the blind and awful lair ' 
Of such a madness, reason did lie couched.^ 

It is unnecessary to discuss the thousand and one 
theories of those who maintain that Don Quixote is 
a burlesque upon Charles V. or the Duke of Medina 
Sidonia; that Pedro Franqueza is lampooned as Sancho; 
that the figure of Dulcinea masks " the most dexterous 
attack ever made against the worship of the Virgin."^ 
These arachnoid ingenuities are brushed away by the 
blunt assertion of the writer, whose primary object, as 

1 The Spanish Friar, Act II. sc. i. 

2 The Prelude, Book V. 

3 Landor fathers the theories with regard to Charles V. and the 

T 2 


he avows, "attempts nothing more than the annihila- 
tion of the authority and. influence which books of 
chivalry have over the world and the public." " This 
has been my one aim," he says ten years later. If 
any book, written with a purpose, was effectual, Don 
Quixote was that book. After its appearance in 1605 
no chivalrous romance was written, and, with few 
exceptions, those hitherto in greatest vogue remained 
unread by the public and unprinted by the new gene- 
ration of publishers. In this sense, but in this sense 
only, Byron was justified in saying that 

Cervantes smiled Spain's chivalry away.i 

As the work progresses, it ceases to be mere parody. 

As in the case of Les Precieuses Ridicules, the design 

Virgin in the " Imaginary Conversation between Peter Leopold and' 
President du Paty." "Works (London, 1876), iii. p. 59. 

"President. — The most dexterous attack ever made against the 
worship of the Virgin ... is that of Cervantes. . . . 

"Leopold. — I do not remember in what part of his writings he- 
alludes to the worship of the Virgin irreverently or jocosely. 

" President. — Throughout Don Quixote, Dulcinea was the peerless, ■ 
the immaculate ; and death was denounced against all who hesitated 
to admit the assertion of her perfections." 

Mr. Eawdon Browne {The Atlienmum, April 12, 1873) puts for- 
ward the theory which identifies Pedro Franqueza and Sancho. 
Defoe makes a similar statement with regard to the Duke of Medina. 
Sidonia and Don Quixote. "The famous History of Don Quixot, 
a Work which thousands read with Pleasure, to one that knows the 
meaning of it, was an emblematical History of, and a just Satyr 
upon the Duke de Medina Sidonia; a Person very remarkable at 
that Time in Spain." — Serious Reflections during the Life and Sur- 
prising Adventures of Robinson Crusoe : with his vision of the 
Angelic World (London, 1720), p. iii. of Robinson Crusoe's Preface. 

1 Byron's line in Beppo — " Wax to receive, and marble to retain " 
— is a translation of a phrase of Andres' in La Gitanilla. 


becomes wider, till it includes at last the whole Human 
Conaedy. It outgrows the original intention and,. begun 
with a merely moral end and a limited immediate aim, 
it developes into the most cosmopolitan of books, the 
literary property of mankind. 

Criticasters are pleased to declare that there are 
lacunae in the writer's genius, that he paints en 
grisaille, that he lacks delicacy and finesse. Cervantes 
has not indeed the vast sweep, the wide vision, the 
power, the universality of Shakspere ; but he is second 
only to the great Master. His vision, if not wide, is 
deep ; his observation, if narrow, is profound ; his 
grasp intense, if restricted. He knew life as he had 
seen it in the curing grounds of Malaga, the Isles of 
Kiaran, the Precinct of Seville, the smaller market of 
Segovia, the Olivera , of Valencia, the Eondilla of 
Granada, the strand of Liicar, the Colt of C6rdoba, the 
taverns of Toledo. If he knew but a section of 
existence, he knew that thoroughly, and, for the rest, 
he divined as only genius can. In Don Quixote we 
see the idiosyncrasy of the man, interpenetrated as it 
was with that lofty, sustained enthusiasm, that romance, 
that dash of oriental exaggeration, that dignity of senti- 
ment, that inexhaustible good humour, that tenacious 
vigour in the prosecution of an object which Carlyle 
and M. Victor Cherbuliez are agreed in thinking 
characteristic of the Spanish race.^ So incomparable 

1 Cp. Professor Dowden's version of Carlyle's sixth lecture 
(delivered in 1838) in his "Transcripts and Studies " (London, 1888), 
p. 22, with M. Victor Cherhuliez's "L'Espagne politique" (Paris, 
1874) pp. 14-15. 


is the verve with which the portrait has been rendered, 
that Don Quixote may be said to have supplanted the 
Cid Campeador as the popular hero and the national type. 
The success of Don Quixote was as prompt as it 
has proved lasting.^ Every one everywhere has read 
it, but by no race has it been more enthusiastically 
received than by the English. Even in the dark days 
when Cervantes was forgotten or belittled by his own 
people — for, if Cervantes was, as he says, but a step- 
father to Don Quixote, Spain was long but a stepmother 
to Cervantes — England had naturalised and adopted 
his masterpiece.^ Its popularity in the original, or in 
Shelton's version, was as usual turned to account by 

^ Every one knows the story of Philip III, seeing a student in 
fits of laughter over a book, and of his declaration : " Either the man 
is mad, or he is reading ' Don Quixote.' " Sir William Stirling- 
Maxwell, who had a weakness for kings, says of Philip : " His high 
admiration of ' Don Quixote ' . . . shows that he was not insensible 
to the beauties of literature " (Artists in Spain, i. p. 408). 

I am far from denying the truth of this pleasant legend; but I am 
bound to say that my endeavour to trace its genesis has not been 
encouraging. Juan Antonio Pellicer tells the story (p. xcix.) on the 
authority of Mayans, who, as he declares, quotes Baltasar Porreno in 
support of it. I have compared the editions of Mayans for 1738, 
1744, and 1777. I find that he gives the story in his fifty-sixth 
paragraph. But he does not quote from Porreno : he gives no 
authority whatever. I have read Porreno's book, and fail to find any 
reference of the kind. The anecdote may have lingered on traditionally 
until Mayans' day ; but my own clear impression is that it is purely 
apocryphal, and has no existence outside of Mayans' imagination. 

^ For a bitter attack on Cervantes' masterpiece see Thomds de 
Erauso y Zavaleta's " Discurso Critico sobre el origen, calidad y 
estado presente de las Comedias de Espana" (Madrid, 1750), e.g.: 
"Aquel parto ruidoso de la traviessa fantasia de Cervantes, tuvo, 
y tiene universal apr^eio, que durard mientras haya hombres. Esto 


Fletcher in the Knight of the Burning Pestle. Ben 
Jonson, in An Execration upon Vulcan, speaks of 

The learned library of Don Quixote, 

assuming that every reader would follow the allusion. 
Drayton, in the Nymphidia, testifies to the vogue. 

Men talk of the adventures strange 
Of Don Quixoit and of their change 
Through which he arm^d oft did range, 
Of Sancho Panza's travel. 

The author of Hudibras read Don Quixote as carefully 
as Casaubon read the Characteres of Theophrastus. 
Whatever compliment may be implied by the grosser 
forms of imitation is paid by the obscene travesty of 
D'Urfey, and by Smollett in Sir Launcelot Greaves, 
the very name of which suggests Don Quixote.^ 
Temple, fresh from his fearful flagellation by Bentley, 
found solace in the book which, as satire, he thought 

no es fortuna, ni honr6so titulo de la Nacion, eomo creen muchos 
. . . porque, hien mirado, mas es borr6n, que lustre su Obra, en que 
hallan los Estrangeros, testimoniado el coneepto, que hacen, de 
que somos ridiculamente vanos, tiesos, fanfarr6nes, y preciados, 
con aprehension errada, de una tan alta, y seria cavallerosidad, que nos 
hace risibles. . . . Ya saben los Estrangeros, que aquel escrito no 
tiene plausible, ni adequado merito para la estimaoion que logra . . . 
es seco, aspero, eseabrdso, pobre, sonado. . . . Esta fufe la magna 
Obra del aplaudido Espanol Cervantes : esta fufe la Gloria, que de el 
recibib su Patria, y la constante Hidalguia, que la ilustra," etc. 
(pp. 175-176). 

1 The quijote, I need scarcely say, is the piece of armour which 
protects the thigh. The English equivalent is cuish rather than 
greaves, which correspond to grebas. Cp. the articles and illustrations 
in M. Viollet-le-Duc's " Dictionnaire Eaisonn^ du Mobilier Franjais," 
V. pp. 306-314 and pp. 482-490. 


" to be the best and highest strain that ever has been, 
or will be, reached by that vein."^ Even Harley 
admired it, as his jest at Rowe's expense shows,; and 
as for Rowe himself, if his Spanish studies did not 
lead to the Madrid Embassy, they are only too 
probably responsible for the Fair Penitent, with its 
threadbare, worn tag about the " haughty gallant, 
gay Lothario.^ Steele appointed "the accomplish'd 
Spaniard " patron of the Set of Sighers in the University 
of Oxford.^ Pope, though he quoted heretically from 
Le Sage's version of Avellaneda, was also a fervent 
admirer of the genuine Don Quixote.* Defoe, in the 
preface to Robinson Crusoe — and, perhaps, in the more 
or less authentic Memoirs of an English Officer, by 
Captain George Carleton — took up the wondrous tale.^ 
Bowie devoted his life to the study of the original, 
and, despite the sneers of Baretti, did more for its 
elucidation than any Spaniard before Clemencin/ 

^ See the paper which treats "Of Poetry." — Works (London, 
1814), iii p. 436. ' 

2 The story of Harley and Kowe comes from Johnson, who 
perhaps worked it up from a passage in Spence's " Anecdotes " 
(London, 1858), p. 134. The line, 

" Is this that haughty gallant, gay Lothario 1 " 
occurs in Act V. sc. i. of " The Fair Penitent.'' 

3 See " The Spectator " (No. 30) for Wednesday, April 4, 1711. 

* See the opening lines of "The Dunciad," and the "Moral 
Essays," Epistle iv. yv. 159-160. 

^ A certain Don F^lix Pacheco, who objected to paradoxes, is 
quoted in Carleton's " Memoirs " as saying that " Don Quixote " was 
" the best and worst Komance that ever was wrote " (London, 1728), 
p. 244. 

8 Bowie's edition was published at Salisbury in 1781. Five 
years later Baretti's foolish " Tolondron " was published in London. 

"DON Quixote:' 28 1 

Joseph Andreivs is avowedly " written in imitation of 
the manner of Cervantes" — a writer in whom Fielding 
delighted and whom, at another time and in another 
place, he imitated with indifferent success.^ Johnson 
confessed that Don Quixote was inferior only to the 
Iliad.^ The admiration of the arid Godwin knew no 
bounds. In a later day, and in successive generations, 
Lamb, Macaulay, and Mr. Ruskin have hailed the 
masterpiece of the immortal' Spaniard in terms of 
ungrudging appreciation. 

Le Bourgeois Gentilhomme shows the influence of 
Cervantes on Moliere, who once played the part of 
Sancho on an ass ludicrously inobservant of his exits 
and his entrances.^ The illustrious author of the 
Esprit des Lois placed in the mouth of Eica a measured 
eulogy ingeniously contrived so as to offend all 
Spaniards till the end of time : " Le seul de leurs 
livres qui soit bon est celui qui a fait voir la ridicule 
de. tons les autres." * Possibly, if Usbek's opinion 

1 Fielding's " Don Quixote in England " was produced at the 
New Theatre in the Haymarket in 1773. 

2 "Anecdotes of the late Samuel Johnson, LL.D., during the 
last twenty years of his life. By Hester Lynch Piozzi " (London, 
1786), p. 281. 

3 The scene between Jourdain and his wife (Act. III.) is ob- 
viously suggested by the conversation between Sancho and his spouse. 
Molifere's experiences with the ass are amusingly told in the "Vie 
de Mr. de Molifere, par L L. La Gallois, Sieur de Grimarest " (Paris, 
1-706), which I only know in the reprint of 1877 by Malassi (pp. 
75-77). " Enfiij, destitu^ de tout secours, et d6s6sperant de pouvoir 
vaincre I'opiniatret^ de son Ane, il prit le parti de se retenir aux 
ailes du Theatre, et de laisser glisser I'animal entre ses jambes pour 
aller faire telle sc^ne qu'il jugeroit a propos." 

* " Lettres Persanes," 78. 


had been recorded it might have saved Montesquieu's 
reputation as a literary critic. Saint-Evremond, the 
coldest, most fastidious, delicate, detached, critical 
genius of his time, speaks with rapture of "Don 
Quichotte que je puis lire toute ma vie, sans en ^tre 
degoi(it^ un seul moment." ^ Jean - Jacques, in the 
second preface to the Nouvelle Heloise, pays a trans- 
cendent, if reluctant, tribute to the author when he 
says : " Les longues folies n'amusent gufere ; il faut 
^crire comme Cervantes pour faire lire six volumes 
de visions." ^ Marivaux, in Pharsamond, ou le Don 
Quichotte Frangois, declares that "I'auteur . . . dans 
cet ouvrage s'est propose d'imiter I'ingenieux Michel de 
Cervantes." ^ Voltaire scarcely mentions Cervantes at 
all. Perhaps Carlyle, moved to honest indignation 
at the deliberate omission, may have wished to give 
a swashing blow of retributory vengeance when he 
said : " If any one wish to know the difference between 
humour and wit, the laughter of the fool, which the 
wise man, by a similitude founded on deep earnestness, 
calls the crackling of thorns under a pot, let him 
read Cervantes on the one hand, and on the other 
Voltaire, the greatest laugher the world ever knew." * 
But if Cervantes has ever been the creditor of France, 

1 " CEuvres de Monsieur de Saint-Evremond [De quelques livres 
espagnols, italiens et frangois]" (Paris, 1753), iii. pp. 236-237. 

2 Paris edition, 1830, i. p. 18. 

8 See the edition published at La Haye in 1739. 

* See Professor Dowden's "Transcripts and Studies" (London, 
1888), p. 24. Carlyle scarcely made due allowance for the fact that 
Spain was of small interest to the whole school of pMlosophes. 


the debt has been nobly discharged by the enlightened 
appreciation and devotion of such men as Sainte-Beuve, 
Victor Hugo, Mdrim^e, and Viardot. 

Germany has been, as usual, less happy in expressing 
an admiration which has been cherished by her greatest 
sons. Her critical genius, though perhaps less defective 
than it appeared to Mr. Lowell, is verbose but inarticu- 
late, redundant but incoherent. Still Goethe and Heine 
have given a large, noble utterance to the sincerity of 
their adoration, and the Don Silvio de Rosalvo of 
Wieland finds its inspiration in the work of the great 
Spaniard. From Italy, Russia, and Denmark come 
Meli and Turgenev and Herr Georg Brandes to lay 
their wreaths of laurel on the hero's unknown grave. 
But the list is already too long. The earth is full of 
his glory, and the verdict of mankind upon his master- 
piece may be summed up in the words of the translator 
of 'Umar Khaiyam — " the most delightful of all books," 
— or in Macaulay's trenchant phrase, " the best novel in 
the world." ^ 

Writers of the age of reason had little sympathy for writers of the 
age of belief. Diderot, if I mistake not, shared the general in- 
difference. Beyond a casual mention of Cervantes and an allusion to 
Sancho in " La Promenade du Sceptique," I can recall no reference 
in his many volumes. 

1 See a letter of Edward Fitzgerald's to "W. F. Pollock (October 
28, 1867), "Letters and Literary Eemains" (London, 1889). "I 
have had Don Quixote, Boccaccio, and my dear Sophocles (once 
more) for company on board : the first of these so delightful, that I 
got to love the very Dictionary in which I had to look out the words : 
yes, and often the same words over and over again. The Book really 
seemed to me the most delightful of all Books : Boccaccio, delightful 
too, but millions of miles behind ; in fact, a whole Planet away " 


(i. p. 310). And again to W. F. Pollock (Jan. 22, 1871) :"...! 
have read nothing to care about except Don Quixote and Calderon. 
The first is well worth learning Spanish for. . . . But Don 
Quixote is the Book, as you know ; to be fully read, I believe, in no 
language but its own, though delightful in any " (i. pp. 327-328). 

Macaulay, in a letter to his sister Hannah (Oct. 14, 1833), says : 
" I am going through Don Quixote again, and admire it more than 
ever. It is certainly the best novel in the world, beyond aU com- 
parison" (i. p. 339). On September 16, 1834, Macaulay embarked 
at Madras for Calcutta, and amused himself with learning Portuguese. 
" I read the Lusiad, and am now reading it a second time. I own 
that I am disappointed with Camoens. ... I never read any famous 
foreign book, which did not, in the first perusal, fall short of my 
expectations; except Dante's poem and Don Quixote, which were 
prodigiously superior to what I had imagined. Yet in these cases I 
had not- pitched my expectations low" (i. p. 389). I quote from 
the lg78 ,edition of " Lord Macaulay's Life and Letters." 



Vous qui m'aiderez dans mon agonie 

Ne me dites rien ; 
Paites que j'entende un peu d'harmonie, 

Et je mourrai Men. 

Een^i Sully Phudhomme, L' Agonie. 

Lofty designs must close in like effects : 

Loftily lying, 
Leave him — still loftier than the world suspects, 

Living and dying. 

EoBEET Browning, A Orammariaris Funeral. 

Cervantes was now close on seventy years of age, 
and, at a time of life when the career of most men is 
ended, was still as buoyant, as full of resources, projects, 
plans, and hopes, as in the Algerine captivity forty years 
before. His portfolios in the little room in the Calle de 
Leon were heavy with sketches of one kind or another — 
Bernardo, the Semanas del Jardin, and Los Trabajos 
de Persiles y Sigismunda, all masterpieces, all born for 
immortality. The two former are gone with last year's 
snows ; but the Persiles, which had been promise^ 'for 
over two years, and to the composition and correction of 
which the "last days of the writer were de Voted, has 
survived for us. It may be worth while to exami%ie the 
labyrinthine argument of a work which the sanguine 


author foretold would be one of tlie best — or worst — 
books in the world. ^ 

Periandro is set adrift on a raft by his barbarian 
captor Corsicurbo, and is finally rescued by a vessel 
under the command of Arnaldo, heir of the King of 
Denmark, who is in search of his soul's idol, the most 
beautified Auristela. It is in the nature of things that 
Periandro should converse with a lady in the next 
cabin, and that his neighbour should prove to be Taurisa, 
Auristela's maid, from whom he learns that her mistress 
(in whom he also has an interest) has been carried off 
by corsairs. Periandro gives himself out as a brother 
of Auristela's, and, at his own suggestion, is landed by 
Arnaldo on a neighbouring islet ; disguised as a woman, 
he is sold into slavery, still with a view to seeking the 
interesting captive. In the fulness of time he discovers 
Auristela, equally disguised as a man. A conflict of 
barbarians follows, and in the tumult he escapes with 
the lady ; both are sheltered by Antonio and Eicla, who 
recite a prolix story which' extends over two chapters. 
Sailing to another island, they meet Rutilio, who, in 
his turn, gives his autobiography, and then makes way 
for the Portuguese, Manuel de Sosa Coutino, who, 
repeating the doleful legend of his love for Leonora 

1 See the dedication to Lemos of the second part of "Don 
Quixote," October 31, 1615. , . . "y con esto me despido, ofre- 
ciendo i vuestra Excelencia Los Trabajos de Persiles y Sigismunda, 
libro a quien dar^ fin dentro de cuatro meses, Deo volente ; el cual ha 
de ser, 6 el mds malo, 6 el mejor que en nuestra lengua se haya 
compuesto : quiero decir, de los de entretenimiento ; y digo que me 
arrepiento de haber dicho el mds malo, porque segun la opinidn 
de mis amigos, ha de Uegar al extremo de bondad posible." 

"PSBSILES Y SIGISMU1>^DA".- last days. 287 

(who became a nun), is so moved by the echoes of 
his own melancholy that he incontinently falls down 
dead. Then Transila appears, and getting under way 
once more, all put into Golandia, whither they are 
followed by an English vessel, with Mauricio and 
Ladislao, father and lover of Transila, aboard. No 
sooner is the usual story interchanged than Arnaldo 
arrives, and straightway proposes for Auristela to 
Periandro, who puts off the inconvenient suitor by 
saying that the matter must be deferred until he and 
his sister have made a pilgrimage to Eome, whereon 
Arnaldo inconsiderately declares that he will make the 
journey with them. Mauricio, as becomes his years, is 
something of an astrologer, and foretells that the voyage 
will be an unlucky one ; and so it proves, for the ship is 
shortly afterwards scuttled by two lustful praetorians, 
who had determined to carry off Auristela and Transila. 
In taking to the boats, Periandro, Arnaldo, and Ladislao 
are parted from Mauricio, Auristela, and Transila. The 
latter reach a snow-clad isle, upon which Taurisa and 
her two worshippers land from a corsair ship. The 
lovers kill one another, Taurisa dies, the corpses are 
decently interred, and the surviving trio board the 
pirate, the honest captain of which — a man with many 
points of resemblance to Lambro — awakens the hideous 
passion of jealousy in Auristela's breast by recounting 
the tonnes fortunes of Periandro in the kingdom of 
Policarpo. Soon afterwards Auristela and her com- 
panions are wrecked on an island of which Policarpo 
is over-lord. It is to be expected that the king's elder 


daughter, Sinforosa, should love Periandro, and that 
Arnaldo's suspicions of Periandro should be quickened 
by Clodio, a manumitted captive. To crown the story, 
Policarpo becomes enamoured of Auristela, to whom 
Sinforosa also speaks her love for Periandro ; and Clodio 
and Kutilio conceive a passion for Auristela and Poli- 
carpa, the king's youngest daughter. The sage woman, 
Cenotia, likewise falls in love with Eicla's son, the 
younger Antonio, who grows ill of her potions. Mean- 
while Periandro gives the interminable story of his 
adventures. Cenotia lifts the spells from Antonio, and 
warns Policarpo against permitting the strangers to 
leave the island. The advice is bettered later on by 
Policarpo, who has the city fired at different points, 
having arranged to carry off Auristela and young 
Antonio in the confusion. The plot fails ; Policarpo is 
deposed, Cenotia hanged, and the travellers escape to 
the Isle of Hermits, where Periandro goes on with his 
endless story till he is interrupted by Eenato and 
Eusebia, two luckless lovers who dwell therein. Renato 
has no sooner made his inevitable confidences to the 
company than his brother Sinibaldo arrives from France 
with the agreeable tidings that Lisboniro has died, 
confessing the grievous wrong done by him to Eenato 
and Eusebia, who are to be restored to honour in their 
native land. With them go Mauricio, Transila, Ladislao, 
and Arnaldo, who has just heard of the natural dis- 
satisfaction of the Danes at his long absence. Auristela, 
Periandro, and the rest sail for Spain. Landing in 
Lisbon, they make their way through Portugal over 


Spain as pilgrims, meeting with strange adventures on 
the road, beginning with the singular episode of Rosanio 
and Feliciana de la Voz which concludes in a satisfactory- 
manner at Guadalupe. Soon afterwards they fall in 
with the Pole, Ortel Banedre, who tells them how, after 
slaying one Duarte in a street encounter in Lisbon, he 
was nobly sheltered from justice by the dead man's 
mother, Dona Guiomar de Sosa. Ortel Banedre had 
evidently read Cinthio years ago and was drawing on 
his reminiscences. On reaching Quintanar de la Orden, 
Antonio the elder finds his parents still living and 
abides there with his wife, leaving his children to con- 
tinue their journey to Rome with Auristela and 
Periandro. Near Valencia they have a narrow escape 
from being given into captivity by an old Moor, whose 
daughter, however, warns them opportunely. Over the 
frontier the pilgrims make their way into the Provengal 
country, where they meet with Deleasir, Belarminia, and 
Feliz Flora, all in a sense bonnes amies of the Due de 
Nemours. Struggling with a madman, Periandro and 
Antonio are seriously hurt, and, after an encounter with 
Ortel Banedre's wife, are scarcely on the road before 
they come upon Ruperta, whose husband has been slain 
by a Scot with the singular name of Claudino Rubicon. 
The lady is bitter against the Rubicons, and the 
vendetta is naturally terminated by her marriage with 
Croriano, the son of the murderer. At Lucca they find 
Isabel Castrucho, who feigns to be possessed of the 
devil, so that she may marry Andrea Marula and escape 
a match already arranged for her by her uncle. Andrea, 


duly instructed, utters the vade retro with miraculous 
effect and promptly exorcises the. non-existent demon. 
Approaching Rome, they meet Arnaldo and the Due de 
Nemours, both apparently dying from wounds inflicted 
by the one on the other in a duel fought on the question 
of Auristela's portrait. They succeed in carrying the 
wounded pair into Rome, where, while their recovery 
proceeds, Auristela (who seems all this time to have 
been little better than a pagan) is instructed in the faith 
ab ovo, from the fall of Lucifer downwards. Periandro 
is induced by the Jew dog Zabulon to visit Hipolita, 
who re-enacts the part of Potiphar's wife, and revenge- 
fully accuses Periandro of theft, but withdraws the charge 
before serious harm comes of it. Arnaldo tells his un- 
avoidable story, and. Auristela, shaking her head over 
the proceedings of Hip61ita, falls ill by the magic arts of • 
Zabulon's wife, instigated by the charming courtesan. 

Now, this very instant 
Health, takes its last leave of her : meagre paleness, 
Like winter, nips the roses and the lilies. 
The spring that youth and love adorn'd her face with. 

The Due de Nemours retires, and Auristela, recovering 
her health and beauty, proposes to Periandro that he 
and she should continue the quasi- fraternal, quasi- 
platonic relation which they have hitherto observed. 
Periandro vanishes in despair, and, taking the high road 
to Naples, sits down near a stream by which he hears 
the tones of his native Norwegian once again. 

Tonen, den hvisked nsevnte sig, 

og nsevnte sig ; 
men bedst som han lytted, den lob sin Vej, 

den 16b sin Vej. 


Listening, lie finds that the speaker is his old tutor 
Serafido, who is busily explaining that Periandro is in 
truth Persiles, the younger son of Eustoquia, Queen of 
Thule, and that Auristela is none other than Sigismunda, 
the elder daughter of Eusebia, Queen of Frislanda. 
Maximino, Eustoquia's elder son, is enamoured of 
Sigismunda, and is even now upon her track. Periandro, 
whom we may now call by his true name of Persiles, 
hurries off to Eome to warn Sigismunda that Maximino 
is at hand, about to claim her as his wife. Arrived 
once more in the Eternal City, Persiles is recognised by 
Serd,fido, is stabbed laterally through the body, and falls 
as though dead. Maximino appears, and, in a dying 
speech, makes over his claim on Sigismunda to Persiles, 
while the faithful Arnaldo is consoled by Sigismunda's 
younger sister, Eusebia. 

Given in this bald style, Persiles y Sigismunda 
will scarcely be thought attractive ; it is surprising to 
learn that, even when decked by the rich fancy of 
Cervantes, any reader should have ever found it so.'^ 
Cervantes knew nothing of the frozen north, nor does 
his imagination supply the deficiency. When he talks 
of Frislanda, the spot seems vague and unknown to 

^ Sismondi, always indulgent to men of genius, finds but little to 
praise in " Persiles." He lauds the fertility of invention, but adds : 
*' il me semble que rien ne fatigue plut6t que I'extraordinaire, et que 
rien ne ressemble plus k soi-mlme que ce qui ne ressemble k rien. 
Cervantes, dans ce roman, est tomb^ dans la plupart des d^fauts qu'il 
avait si plaisamment relev^s dans Don Quichotte." In a previous 
passage he says : " En gfen^ral c'est une bizarre boucherie que ce 
roman." — De la Litt^ratuie du Midi de I'Europe, par J. C. Sismonde 
de Sismondi (Paris, 1813), iii. pp. 423, 420. 


the reader as that dim Isle of Hermits where Periandro 
competed with Scheherazade. Nothing could be more 
absurd, more grotesque than his attempts to impart 
a touch of local colour to his northern scenes. He 
talks of what he did not know, of what he had never 
seen, of what, clearly, his imagination could not realise ; 
and the result in the earlier part of the book is truly 
disastrous. Yet with all its many deficiencies, had 
Persiles been published without the writer's name, the 
authorship might easily have been inferred. The reckless 
profusion with which one story is cast upon another, 
the extravagance of incident, the carelessness of con- 
struction, the inconsistencies of plot, the cut at the 
Inquisitors, the countless digressions, the praise of wine 
and women, the playful banter of the tattered poet — 
these and a hundred other little touches are all 
characteristic of Cervantes and his haphazard method. 
The faults of the book are all the faults of a young 
writer ; not such as we expect to find in the work of a 
sick man of seventy. The abundance, the prodigality, 
the vernal exuberance of the writer are wonderful. Sa 
far from suffering diminution, his fertility of resource 
and invention has increased. The rhetoric is stifi" with 
ornament, with rich embroidery. Nowhere is there a 
trace of the reserve, the restraint of the mature artist ; 
nowhere anything of the exhaustion, the sobriety, the 
lethargy, the languor of old age. From the uncon- 
nectedness of the work it is easy to guess that the story 
was written a line to-day, a page to-morrow, dashed off 
at any moment when the humour took the author. 


Yet no other book by Cervantes shows more signs of 
care and elaboration of mere style. 

He had crushed one school of writing in Don 
Quixote, and, in his hours of reverie, he had dreamed 
that he would show that there was still room for the 
true novel of imagination and romantic incident ; he 
would leave a model of what to do as well as what 
to avoid. But when every allowance has been made, 
with every desire to do no less than justice, it must 
be admitted that Persiles is a failure. Yet it met with 
■contemporary success. It was rapidly reprinted and 
translated. Fletcher, always on the look-out for fresh 
material, has used it in The Custom of the Country ; 
and a singular use he made of it. PSrsiles, whatever 
its deficiencies may be, is free from the prevailing taint 
of seventeenth - century coarseness. Dryden, in the 
Preface to his Fables, defends himself and his gene- 
ration against the attack of Collier by citing Fletcher's 
drama : " There is more bawdry in one play of 
Fletcher's called The Custom of the Country than in 
all ours together. Yet this has often been acted on the 
stage, in my remembrance."^ Ticknor is scarcely too 
severe when he declares that The Custom of the 
Country is " one of the most indecent plays in the 
language."^ Eutilio, in the novel a harmless, un- 
necessary character, becomes in the play one of the 
most scandalous personages in the drama, like Horner 
in The Country Wife. That was Fletcher's way, as 

1 "The Works of John Dryden" (London, 1808), xi. p. 239. 

2 Ticknor, ii. p. 159 m. 


it was Wycherley's — his reading of a book which, in 
other respects, he has followed so closely that he has 
not even taken the trouble to change the names from 
the original. Clodio, Arnoldo, Eutilio, Darte, son of 
Dona Guiomar de Sosa, Zabulon, Zenocia, and Hippolyta 
are boldly annexed from Cervantes ; and their characters 
are assuredly not bettered in the passage. But Fletcher 
shows his supreme instinct, his artistic power of selec- 
tion in confining himself to the one incident of Duarte 
and avoiding the trackless labyrinth of events which 
characterises Persiles. 

It has been thought that Cervantes, in writing his 
romance, followed the CEthiopica of Heliodorus, and it 
is impossible to deny the existence of a certain re- 
semblance between Sigismunda and Chariclea, even 
though it be less striking than the resemblance between 
Chariclea and Tasso's Clorinda.-^ Cervantes' knowledge 
of Greek was probably of the slightest ; but, as far back 
as 1554, an anonymous Spanish translation of the 
masterpiece of the Bishop of Tricca had been published 
at Antwerp, and from this, or from the later version 
of Mena, Cervantes may have derived some suggestion 
of the moving accidents through which Persiles, like 
the Thessalian Theagenes, has to pass. 

Cervantes was in his seventieth year when he gave 
the finishing strokes to the volume of which he was 

^ A passage in the prologue to the " Novelas ejemplares " cer- 
tainly points in this direction : " Tras ellas, si la vida no me deja, te 
ofrezco los Trabajos de Persiles, libro que se atreve k competir con 
HeUodoro," etc. 


SO proud. Age was creeping on him, but no sign of 
lassitude or infirmity is discoverable in the passages 
of incomparable ^gour with which the book abounds. 
He was neve]^4estined to see it in print. The prologue 
and the dedication are full of interest, for they are the 
last words of the great man which have come down to 
us. In the prologue he tells us, with his own inimitable 
humour, how, returning from his wife's native town 
of Esquivias, he was overtaken by a student, astride of 
an ass, who hailed the famous veteran with enraptured 
enthusiasm. We can imagine the courtly grace with 
which the old man, conscious of immense possibilities 
and resplendent gifts wasted amid the uncongenial 
surroundings of a harassed life, received the compliments 
and fervour of his young admirer. The grateful dedica- 
tion to Lemos is full of a tender pathos which, even after 
the lapse of more than three centuries, is still infinitely 
touching. It is written from the death-bed of the dying 
man, the day after his receiving Extreme Unction. 

Puesto ya el pi^ en el estribo, 
Uon las ansias de la muerte. 
Gran senor, esta te esoribo. 

So he cites, for the last time, from some swinging coplas 
popular by the current of Henares in his old-time 
youth. There is none of the cheap depreciation of 
existence, none of the sombre reluctance of the worldling, 
none of the glad note of departure or the bitter repu- 
diation of the pessimist. Dropsy holds him in her 
relentless grasp, but, worn out by neglect, by hardship, 


by suffering and pain, he faces death calmly, cou- 
rageously, cheerfully, with the same confident valour 
which he had shown on the field of battle. He holds 
to life, the only life he knows, while life remains to 
him ; but, when Atropos bares her shears and lays her 
icy finger on the thread, he has a heart for either fate. 
He will not hasten, neither will he tarry/ Without 
one whisper of lament, one murmur of regret, one 
syllable of unmanly repining, he looks death in the face 
with the large-eyed wisdom, the quiet concentration, 
the serene fatalism, the contemplative vision, the 
amused politeness, the placid smiling acceptance of the 
inevitable which Spain has inherited from the Moors. 
To the end his mind is active, busy, teeming with new 
conceptions and combinations for the future ; but his 
last glance is retrospective, and in the final agony, in 
the valley of shadows, the word " Galatea" falters on his 
tremulous lips as " Leonore" falters on the dying lips of 
Thomas Newcome. 

1 " Ayer me dieron la Extremauncion, y hoy escribo esta : el 
tiempo es breve, las ansias crecen, las esperanzas menguan, y con todo 
esto Uevo la vida sobre el deseo que tengo de vivir, y quisiera yo 
ponerle coto, basta besar los pies 4 vuestra Excelencia, que podria ser 
fuese tanto el contento de ver k vuestra Excelencia bueno en Espana, 
que me volviese d. dar la vida, pero si estd decretado que la haya de 
perder, ciimplase la voluntad de los cielos, y per lo menos sepa vuestra 
Excelencia este mi deseo, y sepa que tuvo en mf un tan aficionado 
criado de servirle, que quiso pasar aun m4s alia de la muerte, mos- 
trando su intenci6n.''- — -Dedicatoria of P6rsiles, 

Lemos was still at Naples when the dedication was written. He 
himself died on October 19, 1622. See "El Conde de Lemos, 
protector de Cervantes. Estudio hist6rico per D. Jos6 Maria Asensio 
y Toledo "(Madrid, 1880). 


On April 19, 1616, the dedication to Lemos was 
begun and ended, and, for the last time, the quivering 
hand of the writer wrote down the phrase : " Criado de 
vuesa Excelencia, Miguel de Cervantes" Far away, 
where Avon glides towards the western sea, the mighty 
Shakspere was sickening unto death. In Huntingdon, 
the great Protector of the future, still a raw country 
lad, was turning his face towards Sidney Sussex. But 
before Shakspere's final hour came, the tragi-comedy 
of Cervantes' life was over. "Adids, gracias ; adids, 
donaires; adids, regocijados amigos que yo me voy 
muriendo, y deseando veros presto contentos en la otra 
vida." He died, as he had said he should, on Sunday, 
April 23, 1616. Ten days later, in a land where the 
calendar was still unreformed, Shakspere died also 
(nominally) on April 23. In their death they were not 
divided. Cervantes was buried in the convent of the 
Trinitarian nuns in the Calle del Humilladero, and, on 
the translation of the Order to the Calle de Cantaranas 
in 1633, his body may have been removed thereto with 
the exhumed remains of the religious. But his actual 
burial-place is unknown. Slighted in his life, he was 
forgotten after death. No stone, no memorial marks 
the last abode of so much genius and so much valour ; 
no epitaph denotes the final resting-place or consecrates 
the eternal sleep of the greatest of all Spaniards. But, 
s,s he was beyond the censure of his countrymen, so is 
he above their praise. The reverent gratitude and 
benediction of succeeding generations hover round that 
unknown grave, and rest for ever on that noble, that 


honoured, that august head. Ueher alien Wipfeln 
ist Ruh. 

They were not many whom he left behind. His 
natural daughter, Isabel, the offspring of the Portuguese 
love-romance, is said to have entered the Trinitarian 
convent before her father was laid to rest therein. For 
him, then, Isabel was dead. Rodrigo, Andrea, Luisa, his 
brother and his sisters — doubtless they were all gone 
before him. His wife, Catalina, survived to publish 
the Persiles, and outlived the pious task by some ten 
years. ^ 

As a writer Cervantes has been, perhaps, suflficiently 
considered. Some examination of his personality may 
be permitted to complete the picture. In the prologue 
to the Novelas he has given us his own likeness, 

^ The evidence that Isabel de Saavedra and, as some say, her 
mother were members of the, Trinitarian convent in 1614 is very- 
slight (Navarrete, p. 254). As a conjecture it may pass. An article 
in the "Kevista de Archivos, Bibliotecas y Museos" (Madrid, 1874), 
attributed to D. Jose M. Sbarbi, gives a document which purports to 
be Isabel's marriage contract, dated August 28, 1608. The lady is 
described as the widow of Diego Sanz, and the name of her second 
husband is given as Luis de Molino of Cuenca. There are two or 
three reasons against accepting the theory that she was the daughter 
of the Miguel de Cervantes with whom we are concerned. 

First, we are asked to believe that between 1605 and 1608 
Isabel de Saavedra had been married and had become a widow. 
"Where is the proof of the first marriage ? 

Second, the marriage contract cited is signed by both contracting 
parties. But we learn from the Valladolid process that Isabel de 
Saavedra was unable to write. 

Third, the bride is described as the legitimate daughter of Cer- 
vantes : his daughter was, as we know, a natural child. 

Of Eodrigo we hear for the last time on June 6, 1590, when he 


probably with as much, fidelity as it was rendered by 
that famous Juan de Jduregui to whom, as he proudly 
tells us, he once sat.^ 'We see the veteran in his sixty- 
sixth year, with his Eoman countenance, his chestnut 
hair, bis smooth, unclouded forehead, smiling eyes 
(probably blue), aquiline, well-shaped nose, silver beard 
— once golden, twenty years since — large moustache, 
small mouth, stature about the mean, neither tall nor 
short, fresh-coloured face, fair complexion, stooped in 
the shoulders and slow of foot. This, drawn by his 
own hand, is, as the artist tells us, the portrait of the 
author of the Galatea, of Don Quixote de la Mancha, 
and of him who did the Viaje del Parnaso in imitation 
of Cesare Caporali, the Perugian, and other works which 
stray about dispersedly, perhaps without the name of 
their creator. 

On almost all topics Cervantes was a man of his own 
age. His opinions, his prejudices, his tendencies, his 
virtues and his vices, are all essentially those of his 
own cycle. Take, for example, his view with regard to 

was serving in Flanders (Navarrete, p. 313). Andrea, as we have 
seen, died on October 9, 1609. Luisa is thought to have entered the 
Carmelite convent in Alcala de Henares as far hack as 1565, in her 
twentieth year. Catalina de Palaoios ■ Salazar, Cervantes' wife, died 
in the CaUe de los Desamparados in Madrid, on October 31, 1626, 
and was buried in the Trinitarian convent (Navarrete, p. 254, etc.). 

^ Juan de J4uregui, Knight of Calatrava and Master of the 
Horse, the translator of Tasso and the adapter of Lucan, is highly 
esteemed by Ticknor (iii. pp. 39-41), and by Sir William Stirling- 
Maxwell in his "Annals of the Artists in Spain" (London, 1848), 
ii. pp. 537-538. He appears to have engraved the plates for Luis de 
Alcizar's Apocalyptic treatise, and was in some sort an inferior 


the Moors. Their expulsion from Spain, involving as it 
did an unexampled breach of public faith, seemed to him 
an excellent achievement, a holy work. His prejudice 
against Jews was at least as strong ; and the language 
which he permitted himself to use with regard to his 
Algerine captors would bring a blush to the cheek of a 
dragoon, would have made a whole mess-room turn 
pale. No one expects from a prisoner an impartial 
estimate of his jailers, especially when the question is 
complicated by prejudices, political and religious. 
Immoderate invective might pass as natural enough ; 
but scarcely any outrage can excuse the gross brutality, 
and even the extreme indecency, of the sacristan in 
Los Banos de Argel} The writer, however, was well 
satisfied to be able to discharge two debts at one stroke 
— his hatred of his captors and his contempt for eccle- 
siastical parasites, both abiding passions with him. But 
the license of language in the seventeenth century was 
so unbounded that we need not be surprised that the 
gross vituperation of these passages should have been 
passed by the official censor of literature, who, himself a 
minister of unimpeachable orthodoxy, confined his atten- 
tion, as a rule, to such sentiments as seemed directed 

^ See, for example, Los Banos de Argel, Act II. : 
" j Oh hijo de una puta, 
Meto de un gran cornudo, 
Sobrino de un bellaco ! " etc. 

Cp. also an extraordinary allusion in La Gran Sultana, beginning : 
" Pues tres faltas tengo ja 
De la ordinaria dolencia," etc. 


against the religion of the State.^ It is to be regretted 
that the most splendid precept of Christianity should 
have been, even in those ages of faith, a dead letter. 

Attempts have been made, vainly enough, to show 
that Cervantes was a very liberal-minded man in 
religious matters; and hero- worshippers, with a singularly 
latitudinarian idea of hero-worship, have gone further in 
their endeavours to honour his memory by declaring 
that in reality he was not a Catholic. The question is 
neither uninteresting nor unimportant, for the contention 
involves the hypothesis that Cervantes was among the 
basest of living men. It is certain that he himself 
would have been even more astounded than indignant 
at his orthodoxy being questioned. So far as external 
conformity went, a man who was never weary of 
celebrating his share in the last crusade, a man who 
was the favourite of a Cardinal, who was a member of 
at least one religious confraternity, who wrote canticles 
in praise of newly canonised saints, who received 
Extreme Unction on his death-bed — such a man might 
fairly be held to have satisfied the severest canon. 
That his opinions corresponded to his actions can 
scarcely be doubted. Sensible men may, perhaps, in 
Shaftesbury's phrase, keep their religious opinions to 
themselves ; but, dangerous as it may be to infer a man's 
belief from his conduct, he who voluntarily risks his life 

1 The phrase placed in the mouth of the Duchess in the thirty- 
sixth chapter of the second part of "Don Quixote -' — "que las obras 
que se hacen tibia y flojamente no tienen m^rito ni valen nada " — 
was condemned in the Index of 1667 (Ticknor, iii. p. 509 n.). 


for a cause may be thought, in a general way, to believe 
in it. And such a man Cervantes certainly was. 
Bitterness and cruelty formed no part of his nature ; 
but he must have seen many a despairing wretch 
burned at the stake without any of that ardent senti- 
ment of horror and pity which has wrung from the 
most saintly of geniuses the exclamation : "I think the 
sight of a Spanish auto-de-fe would have been the death 
of me." ^ The point alleged is that during a long life he 
actively professed principles and opinions which he 
knew to be false, which he hated and despised. It 
would be most painful to think that he was insincere in 
professing to believe in a faith for the propagation of 
which he was prepared to sanction, to demand, and to 
applaud the execution of the severest civil penalties. ■ 
No doubt many a sharp cut at unworthy ministers — as 
for example at confraternities in El Retablo de las 
Maravillas, at monks in M Viejo Celoso, and at 
sacristans in La Cueva de Salamanca and elsewhere — 
may be found in his writings. Duenas and sacristans 
are equally the objects of his hatred; the first, for 
reasons which it might be indiscreet to penetrate ; the 
second, because he seems to have regarded them as a 
set of drunken, crapulous buffoons. But to deduce on 
grounds so slender that he was hostile to the church to 
which ostensibly he belonged would be much as if a 
charge of atheism were brought against the merciless 
creators of Charles Honey man and Chadband. 

1 "Apologia pro vita sul,: being a History of his Eeligious 
Opinions. By John Henry Newman, D.D." (London, 1873), p. 47. 


It would be absurd to argue that Cervantes was, 
at every period of his life, an exceptionally devout 
man. There are incidents in his career which prevent 
his being numbered in that elect company, and he 
would have been the first to disclaim any pretensions 
of the kind. But, though far removed from the ideal 
of the churchwarden, that he sincerely believed in 
the divine mission of the ancient and venerable church 
of which he was a member may be taken as certain. 
His indiscreet admirers have apparently failed to see 
that any other hypothesis would involve his memory 
in the deepest discredit. He was no chopper of straws ; 
he probably knew little of the subtleties of the schools ; 
he almost certainly speculated not at all on creeds and 
dogmas and formulae. There is no trace of any such 
habit in his writings ; but, like most of his countrymen, 
he had a painfully definite idea of the ultimate con- 
sequences of what his church calls sin. He was no 
fanatic ; neither among Shopisy or Khlysty should we 
expect to find his name. Perhaps without any par- 
ticular religious unction, he said his prayers and obeyed 
the observances of his creed like others about hira, as 
much from association as from any other motive. But 
there is a wide difference between silent acquiescence 
and stealthy rejection. 

Yet his instincts were not all conservative ; he also 
had his glimpses of liberalism. According to the tra- 
dition of his fellow-countrymen, his hatred of England 
should have been deep, stern, unrelenting, like the 
hatred of England for Spain ; but he would almost 


seem to have felt some dim presentiment that in 
England his genius would receive a welcome more 
generous, as immediate, and not less enthusiastic than 
in his own land ; and, in speaking of the English 
and even of Elizabeth, whom his friends must have 
considered the incarnation of all evil, his language 
is admirably free from any taint of religious rancour 
or political malignity. For England he had the 
kindliest, the most generous expresssions. And this 
required no common courage. To most of his acquain- 
tances his vein of friendly neutrality must have 
rendered him, if not suspect, at least suspect of being 

What were the attainments of Cervantes ? Such 
education as he had was slipshod, casual, incomplete, 
and desultory. The excellent Lopez de Hoyos had per- 
haps given a little finish to the smattering of infor- 
mation which he had picked up at AlcaM or elsewhere. 
In Italy, as a young man he had acquired a serviceable 
knowledge of tbe language, and of course he could fol- 
low Portuguese. Ariosto, Boiardo, Boccaccio, Cinthio, 
Camoens, and Petrarch he read with delight, and he 
never loses an opportunity of quoting, more or less 
incorrectly, from his favourite poets.^ . But it would be 

^ Sir Eichard Burton in his "Life of Camoens " (London, 1881), 
pp. 66-67, says: "Luis de Camoens and Miguel de Cervantes were 
contemporaries, and they must often have heard of one another. 
Yet, curious to say, Camoens never mentions Cervantes, while 
Cervantes alludes to Camoens in only one passage, where he calls 


ludicrous to compare his learning with the erudition 

of Rabelais, to whose Chevalier de Entamures Don 

Quixote has some resemblance, and to whose genius 

and personality the genius and personality of Cervantes 

are cognate. Both were overflowing with humour ; 

both wrote poor verse ; both were free from bitterness ; 

both were vagabonds ; both had a lusty love of life ; 

both had heard the chimes at midnight ; both hated 

the police and the lesser clergy ; both had natural 

children ; both indulge in turpiloquium} Cervantes, 

like Eabelais, was a gourmet so far as his very slight 

opportunities permitted him to be. When in La 

Fuerza de la Sangre he speaks in broken Italian of 

U buoni polastri, picioni, presuto et salcicie ; when in 

El Rufidn dichoso he revels in the good fare ; when 

in M Trato de Argel he dwells upon 

Cuzeuz, pan bianco k comer, 
Gallinas en abundancia, 
Y aun habra vino de Francia, 
Si vino quieres beber, 

we feel how heartily he would have echoed the pious 

The Lusiads El tesoro del Lmo (the Lusian's treasure)." The 
reference to Camoens in "Don Quixote " (ii. c. 58) appears to have 
escaped the writer. 

' Camoens died on June 10, 1579 or 1580 — there is some doubt as 
to the year. At that time Cervantes was a prisoner in Algiers. He 
had been a private soldier ; he had never written anything except the 
lines for L6pez de Hoyos ; his name was unknown beyond the circle 
of his personal friends and his comrades in the regiment. It seems 
incredible that Camoens should have heard of him, and, under the 
circumstances, it would have been exceedingly curious had his then 
obscure name been mentioned by the great Portuguese poet. 

1 Eabelais' son Th^odule appears to have died in his third year. 



exclamation of Panurge : " Mais ne souper point ? 
Cancre. C'est erreur. C'est scandale en nature." 
Cervantes is never more himself than when dilating 
on the wines of Esquivias : one feels that he would 
have been an admirable third with Hal and Falstaff 
at the Boar's-head Tavern. It is touching to think of 
his undergoing the nameless horrors of the Spanish 

But the rationalistic spirit of the Frenchman is alien 
to him as is the ideal perfection of the Abbey of 
Thelema. He might have inquired with the Cur^ of 
Meudon : Pourquoy les moines sont refuis du monde, 
et pourquoy les ungs ont le nez plus grand que les 
aultres. The latter part of the thesis is quite in the 
manner of Cervantes ; but the revolutionary spirit, the 
anarchical ideal involved in the Theleman motto, Fais 
ce que voudras, would have startled his simple mind as 
much as Eabelais' dying exclamation — La farce est 

1 Compare the plaint of Gaguin to Ferrebout in the " Thesaurus 
novus Anecdotorum " (Paris, 1727), i. col. 1838-1839)— " At velim 
ego, velim equidem, Francisce, dignosceres hujus regionis apparatis- 
sima susoipiendis viatoribus hospitia. . . . Illic prseter nudos parietes 
& fictilia vascula pauca, conspicies nihil," etc. — with Dumas' lament 
in his "Impressions de Voyage" (Paris, 1847-1848) ... "en 
Espagne, le repas est une espfece de devoir que Ton accomplit pour 
sa conservation personelle, et jamais un plaisir " (iv. pp. 63-64). See 
also i. pp. 115 and 160. 

Every cause finds a champion at last, and fifteen generations later 
than Gaguin a traveller was found to take up the cudgels for Spanish 
cookery. "Hitherto I certainly like the Spanish cookery, taking one 
place with another, far more than the German or Italian." See 
John Leycester Adolphus' "Letters from Spain" (London, 1858), 
p. 131. This unique testimony deserves to be placed on record. 


jouee. Cervantes had a respect for the actual, a reverence 
for the existing state of things from which Rabelais 
was completely free. Both are rare types; both are 
illustrious masters of wisdom ; but, if Rabelais' mind 
had the freer play, his vision pierced somewhat less 
deeply, and perhaps less tolerantly, into the very 
marrow of things. 

Cervantes may possibly have heard and known 
something of Rabelais : whether he had any knowledge 
of Jean de Meung, Villon, Marot, Ronsard, Scaliger, 
Casaubon, and Montaigne may well be doubted. Much 
less did he know of his contemporaries Sidney, Spenser, 
Marlow, Raleigh, Bacon, and Shakspere. He cannot 
have known them in the originals, and, even had 
translations existed, his horror of translations was 
strong and abiding.^ It is singular to reflect how 
diminished would have been the area of his fame had 
the circulation of his masterpiece been confined to 
readers of Spanish alone. How little he knew of 
England and the English, despite all his kind feeling, 
is seen in his nomenclature, though certainly Lansac, 
Tansi, and Claudino Rubicon, as English names, pale 
into insignificance beside the Lord Tim-Tom-Jack, 
Barkilphedro, and Phelem-ghe-Madone of L'homme qui 

1 It is only fair to Cervantes to point out that he lays stress 
rather on translations of poetry : " que le quitd mucho de su natural 
valor, y lo mismo hardn todos aquellos que los libros de verso 
quisieren volver en otra lengua, que por mucho cuidado que pongan 
y hahilidad que muestren, jamds UegarAn al punto que ellos tienen en 
su primer nacimiento " (" Don Quixote, I. vi.). He is speaking of 
Jer6nimo Jimenez de Urrea, the translator of the " Orlando Furioso." 

X 2 


rit ; nor does he ever produce anything half sO' 
grotesque as the verses by which Wergeland sought 
to impart local colour to Den Engelshe Lods} From 
this catastrophe his very ignorance saved him. His 
methods of work are easily discernible in his writings. 
Casual, careless, slapdash, haphazard, never in a hurry 
to begin, he is almost always hasty in writing, desultory 
in revision, anxious to leave off. But the correction 
of his countless slips has afforded harmless occupation 
to those conscientious commentators who point out with 
owl-like solemnity that Cervantes, in confusing dawn 
and sunset, or in calling Sancho's wife by two or three 
different names, is as reckless as Shakspere, who talks 
of pistols in Pericles, who makes Giulio Romano 

^ M. A. Morel Fatio, in his most able "Etudes sur I'Espagne" 
(Premifere S6rie, Paris, 1888), has pointed out similar absurd 
blunders by Hugo in Spanish nomenclature (pp. 221-222). 

See especially " Den Engelske Lods. Et Digt aft Henrik Werge- 
land" (Kristiania, 1845). Some of the blunders are purely typo- 
graphical, as on p. 33. 

" Francis so ! Eigth so, my boy ! 
Luward up ! Omboard hoUoy ! " 
But such passages as 

" Hastings, Pilot, Numero three " (p. 34) ; 

or as 

or, again, as 

' Ho, Johnny ho ! How do you do 1 

Sing, Sailor, oh ! 
"Well, Toddy is the sorrows foe ! 
Sing Sailor oh " (p. 48) ; 

"Hun er smukkere end sagt er 
(Kaldes jo af Folket " Loves , 

Flower, fairy Queen of Gowes 1) " (p. 72), 

are beyond explanation. Prosper M^rim^e, after his recovery from 

the romantic fever, would have delighted in them. 


contemporary witli the Delphic oracle in the Winter's 
Tale, who mentions both Henry IV. and America 
as coexistent to all men's knowledge in the Comedy of 
Errors, who lets Hector quote from Aristotle in Troilus, 
and who is carelessly guilty of a hundred and one other 
anachronisms. In both cases the commentator has 
received equal attention. 

It is always important in the analysis of a man's 
character to appreciate his point of view, to know his 
opinions, with regard to women. What then were the 
opinions of Cervantes ? Was his married life happy ? 
On what terms did he and his wife live ? What 
utterance, if any, does he deliver on that most diflficult, 
most tragic, of problems — the intercourse, the relation 
between men and women ? It may well be feared 
that his opinions about women were those of his 
contemporaries. In this, as in so many other matters, 
genius as he was, bound down by the conventionalities 
of his race, he seldom rose above his environment. 
Of those contemporaries, Lope was the most expressive, 
and from him the average sentiment is easily gathered. 
Lope, echoing the opinion of his age, lays it down 
that physical beauty is the unique charm of woman, 
the one thing worth considering. Is she beautiful ? 

To the rescue of her honour, 
My heart ! 

It is indeed a delicate task, from which even the 
curiosity and courage of the hardiest biographer may 


shrink, to decide when the first bloom of loveliness 
fedes, when the first pallor of decadence begins. It 
may, however, be safe to assert that in the latitude of 
Madrid the hour comes rather sooner than later. What 
was the fate of Dona Catalina when that fatal period 
arrived ? What part did she play, and what Cervantes? 
Perhaps we may say truly enough of him : " Lui, se 
penchait en souriant, cueillait ce qui s'ofirait, envelop- 
pant de douceur et d'affabilite l^gere cet incorrigible 
mepris de la femme qui est au fond de tout meridional." 
It is impossible to avoid noticing the sinister fact that, 
except in the Galatea, and perhaps in one or two 
of the plays, Cervantes, the most personal of writers, 
says nothing, or next to nothing, of his wife.-^ Little 
phrases, such as that in Don Quixote, where he says 
that marriage is a noose which, once round your neck, 
becomes a Gordian knot, are scattered through his 
writings with an abundance which suggests that his own 
experiment had been unsuccessful.* D. Pascual de 

1 How far the education of Spanish women fitted them to 
become in any sense companions of their husbands may be gathered 
from the bullying speech of Don Pedro Enrlquez in Calder6n's " No 
hay burlas con el amor " (Act II. sc. ix.) : 

" Aquf el estudio acabd, 
Aqui dio fin la possla. 
Libro en ca>sa no ha de haber 
De latin, que yo le alcance. 
Unas fforas en romance 
Le bastan d una mujer. 
Bordar, labrar y coser 
Sepa sola : deje al hombre 
El estudio." . . . 

2 "Don Quixote," II. xix. 

"p:ersiles t sigismunba" .■ last days, sii 

Gayangos has shown that it is only too probable that 
the marital conduct of Cervantes left much to desire, and 
the birth of his natural daughter just before, or just after, 
his marriage is, so far as it goes, most damaging to him. 
Nothing could be more unjust than to present Cer- 
vantes as a libertine, a hoary haunter of such resorts as 
M. Guy de Maupassant has immortalised in his won- 
derful story La Maison Tellier. There was in his dis- 
position a vein of sanity and strength which forbids an 
assumption so outrageous. But the little we know of his 
career, together with the more ample testimony of his 
writings, tends to show that his wife was no important 
factor in his existence, that he neglected her, and that, 
fond as he was of other women, on an essential point he 
shared the average opinion of the average Spaniard of 
his time.^ A modern moralist, whose generalisations are 
suggestive, if unsound, has declared that women, "though 

1 If Cervantes was fond of women's society (as it seems he 
was) this characteristic differentiates him strongly from Kabelais. 
Cp. the Nouveau Prologue du livre iv. : " On dit que Gargamelle 
mourust de joye. . . . Je n'en sgay rien de ma part ; et Men peu me 
sonde ny d'elle ny d'autre" It is impossible to imagine Cervantes 
writing the italicised passage. Eabelais probably agreed with the 
opinion expressed by Jean de Meung in the " Eoman de la Rose " : 
" Toutes estes, seres, ou futes, 

De fait ou de volente . . . 

Et qui bien vous encercheroit, 

Toutes . . . vous trouveroit. 

Car qui que puist le faire estraindre. 

Volenti ne puet nus contraiudre. 

Tel avantage ont toutes fames 

Qu'el sunt de lor volenti dames." 

(1. 9489-9496). 


less prone than men to intemperance and brutality, are 
in general more addicted to the petty forms of vanity, 
jealousy, spitefulness, and ambition." ^ The latter part 
of this debatable proposition would have received un- 
questioning acquiescence from most Spaniards of the 
seventeenth century. 

Such a view of women's character, combined with 
the immense importance which was attached to 
physical perfection, caused the modern sentiment 
of love to be almost unknown. Personal beauty 
stimulated the sensual appetite, and, as beauty waned, 
the phantom of an affection, based on the grosser 
passion, waned with it. Even to-day he would be 
a courageous man who undertook to define precisely 
the gradation which separates the first outpost of love 
from the final boundary of desire.' No doubt in some 
isolated instances the extinction of the old fervour left 
behind the germs of a more tender and refined senti- 
ment; but those cases were even more the exception 
than they are now. 

So that if, in the conjugal relation, Cervantes was 
not eminently distinguished or exemplary, he was no 
worse, as he certainly was no better, than his neighbours. 
We may say of his married life what La Eochefoucauld 
says of marriage generally : II est de bons manages ; il 
n'en est pas de delicieux. He troubled himself but little 

1 " History of European Morals, by W. E. H. Lecky " (London, 
1886), ii. p. 360. 

2 At the time of writing this passage, I had not yet read Count 
L^on Tolstoi's " La Sonate h, Kreutzer." 


about the philosophy of marriage, and contented 
himself mostly with being in love with Dona Catalina's 
pretty face. But it has been cynically said that a man 
is only in love with what he does not understand or 
what he only half knows ; and the discovery that Dona 
Catalina was a mortal was probably too much for Cer- 
vantes. There was nothing to bind him (I do not speak 
of the sacramental view of marriage which he, of course, 
held) more closely to a wife who bore him no children ; 
and the moral atmosphere of those theatrical coulisses 
in which he had lived so long was not conducive to 
domestic happiness. On the other hand, Dona Catalina 
' may, without any fault of her own, have been a disap- 
pointment to her illustrious husband, as he, on his side, 
must necessarily have been a disappointment to her. 
His probably was the nature of so many artists — un- 
certain of their own desires, sensuous, fickle, longing for 
what they are pleased to call sympathy and what is in 
fact flattery, calling for resourceful tact and hourly 
angelic ministration in the smallest as in the greate&t 
things of life all day and every day. Is it possible for 
any human being to accomplish a mission so arduous, 
so incessant, so exhausting? If Dona Catalina failed, 
she failed because from the outset, in the nature of 
things, her task was desperately impossible. 

Yet Cervantes, if he were not a model husband, 
was not the man to flinch from material duties. Though 
not one of those rare natures which detest idleness, he 
was always a strenuous, industrious worker. The 
burden of supporting wife, daughter, sister, and sister- 


in-law fell to him, and it never occurred to his healthy 
mind to shirk the squalid work of serving writs, or 
collecting tithes, or any other odious occupation allotted 
to him. The proud, famous, sensitive man of genius 
turned to the first task which came to hand with even 
more than the energy, earnestness, and promptitude of 
men of lesser mould, without a single fastidious move- 
ment of hesitation or reluctance. If he were not allowed 
to work with his head, he could at least work with 
that hand which Lepanto had spared ; nor did he ever 
indulge in any sickly whining against the hardness of 
fate. Ambition assuredly was not wanting, for we know 
that the impoverished gentleman even dreamed (he 
lived in Spain) of becoming Governor-General of some 
vast province over sea. He did indeed view with 
bewilderment the worldly success of men who were 
absurdly his inferiors. But it must be admitted that 
Cervantes was probably deficient in that useful, if 
despicable, quality of supple complaisance, which is so 
inestimable a factor in cases of personal advancement. 
Les delicats sont malheureux, as La Fontaine says ; 
and, lacking the odious accomplishment of intrusion, 
Cervantes, born without the faculty of ingratiation, was 
easily passed by others who, certainly, were not 
wanting in cool assurance. He struggled on alone in 
silent, proud humility. 

It might have been thought that the writer's 
circumstances would have improved after the publica- 
tion of Don Quixote in 1605. But, from one cause 
or another, that appears not to have been the case. 


Perhaps he wasted his substance outside his home ; per- 
haps he made poor terms with his publishers ; perhaps 
he was fleeced by pirated editions and by the insidious 
volley of Avellaneda. However that may be (and each 
of the hypotheses is equally plausible), there is no dis- 
puting the fact that he was poor — miserably, squalidly, 
hideously poor. He would have realised to the full the 
bitterness of Madame de Tencin's saying : " L'homme 
qui fait des souliers est sAr de son salaire ; l'homme qui 
fait un livre ou une trag^die, n'est jamais sur de rien." ^ 
Whatever ease he knew in his last years was due to 
the munificence, the bounty of Lemos and Bernardo 
de Sandoval y Eojas, Cardinal Archbishop of Toledo. 
Mdrquez ^Torres, Sandoval's secretary, in the a^ro- 
hacion to the second part of Bon Quixote, has told us 
how, when the suite of the French ambassador pelted 
him with minute inquiries as to the age, profession, rank, 
and position of Cervantes, he was forced to say that 
the illustrious man was a soldier, a gentleman, old and 
poor. But the questions are at least a testimony to the 
wide-spread contemporary reputation of the author. 

Probably his last days were sad enough. The 
young sprigs of the Court, whose exhibitions of valour 
were limited to a little harmless pinking in the suburbs, 
were but languidly amused when they came across an 
aged man who told them of the umbered faces he had 
seen in battles fought before they were breeched. But 
huddled round the hra?ero in his chill, icy room, with 

1 See Marmonters " Memoires d'tm pfere," etc. (Paris, An XIII.), 
i. p. 349. 


some of his former comrades, one can still see the old man 
eloquent, and listen to the stammer dying on his lips, 
as he tells his hearers of Aluch All's advance, of Don 
John's emblazoned standard fluttering in the Levantine 
air, of the battle afar ofi", the thunder of the captains, 
and the shouting, with many a picturesque sketch of 
heroic deeds done aboard the Marquesa — quorum pars 
parva fuit} As the years ebbed by, the oppor- 
tunities grew rarer every day. The old friends, the 
Spartan veterans, his brothers-in-arms, his contempo- 
raries, were gone or vanishing. Padilla, Artieda, Ercilla, 
Lainez, Leiva, L6pez Maldonado, with many another 
jovial companion, many another Theban legionary, were 
dead and gone.^ Espinel, feeble, querulous, malicious, 
still survived, almost a centenarian. Of the Argensolas, 
Lupercio died in 1613, while Bartolom^ remained in 
Naples with Lemos. Lope, in the full tide of popular 
favour, had no kind word for any serious rival, much 
less for the rival whom he feared most. Perhaps one 
ought to be thankful that Lope's vindictiveness ceased 
with the publication of Avellaneda's obscene travesty. 
Had Cervantes survived and prospered he might, like 
Quevedo, have been dragged before a Tribunal of Just 
Vengeance, and have been denounced as a Master of 

1 That Cervantes stammered may be inferred from the Prdlogo 
to the "JSTovelas Ejemplares": "Que aunque tartamudo, no lo sera 
para decir verdades, que dichas por senas suelen ser entendidas." 

2 The exact dates of the death of these writers is not in every 
case ascertainable ; but several were certainly dead years earlier, and 
it seems safe to say that aU were dead before the publication of 
the " Novelas." 


Errors, Doctor of Shamelessness, Licentiate of Buf- 
foonery, Bachelor of Filth, Professor of Vice, and Arch- 
devil of Mankind.^ Gongora, bitter, venomous, jealous, 
morose, stretched out no friendly hand. Perhaps 
Morales and Quevedo, alone among the younger school, 
may be counted among the restricted company of 
Cervantes' friends. It is singular that they should 
have been so few. It might have been thought that, 
genius apart, a man so kindly, so upright, so open, so 
generous, so benignant, one who felt so keenly the 

delight in little things, 
The buoyant youth surviying in the man, 

would have been encircled by troops of friends. 
Possibly his conversation may have been more mordant 
than the genial humour of his books. It has been well 
observed that, strong and keen as a man's wit may be, 
it is never half as strong as the memory of fools, nor 
half as keen as their resentment. Old and solitary, 

1 " El tribunal de la Justa Venganga, erigido contra los Escritos 
de D. Eraneisco de Quevedo, Maestro de Errores, Doctor en Des- 
verguengas, Licenciado en Bufonerias, Bachiller en Suciedades, 
Cathedratico de Vizios, y Proto-Diablo entre los Hombres. For el 
Licenciado Arnaldo Franco-Furt" (Valencia, 1635). It seems pro- 
bable that this abusive work is by Juan P^rez de Montalvdn, Lope's 

It is instructive to compare the suUen silence or cold indifference 
of Lope with the enthusiastic admiration of Calderdn for Cervantes. 
Lope (I give the statement on the authority of Ticknor, ii. p. 139) 
mentions Cervantes but five times in his twenty million liaes. Cal- - 
der6n was a boy of sixteen studying at Salamanca when Cervantes 
died. But he was a native of Madrid, and must often have seen the 
great man. All his references to Cervantes are in the kindest, most 


amid a brilliant, new generation, those last years of 
Cervantes' life are pregnant with sombre, sinister 

His golden looks time hath to silver turned ; 

time too swift ! swiftness never ceasing ! 
His youth 'gainst time and age hath ever spurned, 

But spurned in vain, youth waneth hy increasing. 

His helmet now shall make a hive for hees. 
And lovers' songs be turned to holy psalms ; 

A man-at-arms must now serve on his knees 
And feed on prayers which are old age's alms. 

But his rich humour cheered him on. His incomparable 
irony, his vast sense of the opulence of existence, his 
amused appreciation of the many-sided aspect of things,, 
lit up his squalid life with radiance. In his bare cell, left 
to his own reflexions on a mournful, diverting, adorable, 
odious world, the noble veteran was assured of his own 
immortality. The papilionaceous courtiers, the, worldly- 
wise of his own contemporaries, not knowing the keen 
eye which pierced through their petty absurdities, 
smiled at the honourable inflexibility, the courtly, 
patient amenity, the gracious, reticent urbanity, the 
noble poverty bf the simple, gray- haired praetorian, 
without ever suspecting that the object of their cheap 
sneers, halting painfully onwards, shivering and cloakless 

appreciative spirit. Cp. e.g. the allusions in " La Banda y la Mor " 
(Act I. so. i.), " Los empenos de un acaso " (Act L sc. vii.), " El maestro 
de danzar" (Act I. sc. i.), "El Alcalde de Zalamea" (Act L sc. iii.), 
and " Casa con dos puertas mala es de guardar " (Act I. sc. v.). Tirso 
de Molina's references are always friendly too. Cp. "El Castigo de 
Penseque" (Act I. sc. x.) and "Marta la piadosa" (Act L sc. v.). 


in the glacial winter air, was after all one of the finest 
gentlemen in the whole world. But those who knew 
him better would have agreed with posterity that it was 
impossible to rise without edification from the study of 
a life and character which, with all their many blemishes 
and infirmities, are so rich in genius and pathos, so 
chequered by stern vicissitude, so sanctified by disil- 
lusioning trial, so fulfilled of strenuous battle, of lofty 
aims, of sustained purpose, of valiant, plenary, persistent, 
and superb endeavour. / He dicho ! 











Primera parte de la Galatea, dividida en says libros . AlcaM, 1585. 

El Ingenioso Hidalgo Don Quixote de la Mancha . Madrid, 1605. 

Novelas exemplares. ...... Madrid, 1613. 

Viage del Parnaso ....... Madrid, 1614. 

Ocho Comedias y echo Entremeses .... Madrid, 1615. 

Segunda Parte del Ingenioso Cavallero Don Quixote 

de la Mancha Madrid, 1615. 


Los Traljaios de Persiles y Sigismunda, historia 

setentrional ....... Madrid, 1617. 

La Numancia Madrid, 1784. 

El Trato de Argel Madrid, 1784. 



Obras completas de Cervantes. (Vida de Miguel de Cervantes 
Saavedra por Don Buenaventura Carlos Aribau. Ifuevas investi- 
gaoiones acerca de la vida y obras de Cervantes por Don Cayetano 
Alberto de la Barrera. Notas a las nuevas investigaciones, etc.) 
Ilustradas por los Sefiores J. E. Hartzenbusch. y Don Cayetano Eosell. 
12 tomos. Madrid, Argamasilla de Alba, 1863-1864. 8vo. 

T 2 


Obras. 16 tomos. Madrid, 1803-1805. 8vo. 

Obras escogidas. Nueva edici6n cMsica, arreglada, corregida & 
ilustrada con notas por D. Agustin Garda de Arrieta. (Vida de M. de 
Cervantes Saavedra. Por D. Martin Fernandez de Navarrete. Analisis, 
6 juicio crltico del Quijote. Por D. Agustfn Garcia de Arrieta.) 
10 tomos. Paris, 1827. 32mo. 

Vol. i., Vida; vols, ii.-vi., D. Quijote; vols, vii.-ix., Novelas; 
vol. X., Teatro. 

Obras escogidas. 11 tomos. Madrid, 1829. 8vo. 

Obras. Madrid, 1846. 8vo. 

This most useful, but incomplete, collection forms tbe first volume 
of the Bihlioteca de auiores espafioles . . . ordenada e ilustrada por 
D. Buenaventura Carlos Arihau. It has been frequently reprinted. 
The second and third edition were issued in 1849 and 1864 re- 
spectively. The latest issue is dated 1878. 


[La Galatea, dividida en seis libros : compuesta por Miguel de 
Cervantes Saavedra. Va anadido El Viaje del Parnaso del mismo , 
autor. Con licencia. A costa de Francisco Manuel de Mena, Mer- 
cader de libros. Se haUar^ en su casa Calle de Toledo, junto a la 
Porteria de la Concepcion Geronima. 1614. 4to.] 

Note. — A copy with the foregoing title-page may be found in the 
library of the British Museum. I have no hesitation in pronouncing 
it a forgery. The words, En Madrid por Juan de Zuniga, Ana 
1736, have been clumsily erased, and the date 1614 has been 
inserted, by some amateur among swindling bibliophiles. I should 
have thought it impossible to deceive even the meanest intelligence 
by a forgery so obvious. It is now noted as spurious in the Catalogue 
of the British Museum Library. 

Madrid, 1736. 4to. 

Madrid, 1772. 4to. 

Viage al Parnasso compuesto per Miguel de Cervantes Saavedra. 
Publicanse ahora de nuevo una tragedia y una comedia ineditas del 
mismo Cervantes : aquella intitulada La Numancia : esta El Trato de 
Argel. Madrid, 1784. 8vo. 

Obras de Miguel de Cervantes Saavedra. Nueva edicidn con la 


vida del autor por Don Martin Ferndndez de Navarrete. 4 tomos. 
Paris, 1841. 8vo. 

Note. — ^This forms part of the Goleccion de los mejores auiores 

Varias obras ineditas de Cervantes, sacadas de c6dices de la 
BibUoteca colombina, con nuevas ilustraciones sobre la vida del 
antor y el Quijote, por D. Adolfo de Castro. Madrid, 1874. 8vo. 


The Voyage of Parnassus ; Numantia, a Tragedy ; the Commerce 
of Algiers. By Cervantes. Translated from the Spanish by Gordon 
Willoughby James Gyll. London, 1870. Svo. 


CEuvres diverses. 8 vols. Amsterdam et Leipsio, 1768. 12mo. 
CEuvres completes .... traduites de I'espagnol par H. Bouchon- 
Dubournial. 6 vols. Paris, 1820-1823. Svo. 

Note. — This edition includes only Don Quixote and P&rsiles. 


Sammtliche Werke. Aus der Urspraohe iibersetzt von L. G. 
Forster. 12 vols. Quedlinburg und Leipzig, 1825-1826. 12mo. 

Werke von Cervantes. Aus dem Spanisohen iibersetzt von 
Hieronymus Miiller und E. O. Spazier. 16 vols. Zwickau, 1825- 
1829. 16mo. 

Eomane und NoyeUen aus dem Spanischen des Cervantes [von 
F. M. Duttenhoffer]. Mit Illustrationen von Johannot und andem 
Kunstlern. 10 vols. Pforzheim, 1839-1840. 16mo. 

Vols, i.-vi., Don Quixote; vols, vii.-x.. Die Novellen. 

Cervantes sammtliche Eomane und Novellen. Aus dem Spanischen 
von A. Keller und Friedrioh Hotter. 12 vols. Stuttgart, 1839- 
1842. 16mo, 

Vols. L-v., Don Quixote; vols, vi.-vii., Die Oalathea; vols, 
viii.-ix., Die Novellen. 



Canto de Calfope, Letrilla, Canciones y Sestina : por Miguel de 
Cervantes Saavedra. (Parnaso espanol. GoleeciSn de poesias eseogidas 
de los mas eelehres poetas castellanos. Por D. Juan Joseph L^pez de 
Sedano. Tomo viii. pp. 287-328, ix. p. 193.) Madrid, 1774-1778. 

Poesias iaeditas de Cervantes. Cervantes esclavo y cantor del 
Santfsimo Sacramento. MS. de la Bib. Floreciano de la Real 
Academia de la Historia y articulo del Sr. D. Ferndndez-Guerra y 
Orbe. (De la Bevista Agustiniana.) VaUadolid, 1882. 8vo. 


Primera parte de la Galatea, dividida en seys libros. Copuesta 
por Miguel de Cervantes. Dirigida al lUustrissimo senor Ascanio 
Golona, Abad de sancta Sofia. Con privilegio. Impressa en Alcala 
por luan Gracian. Ano de 1585. 8vo. 375 ff. 

The Aprovacion is dated February 1, 1584 ; the Privilegio is dated 
February 22, 1584; the Fee de Erratas and the Tassa are re- 
spectively dated February 28, 1585, and March 13, 1585. 

The first edition of the Galatea is a rarity of the first magnitude. 
An edition published at Lisbon in 1590 is said to exist. I have not, 
however, been successful in tracing it. 

Paris, 1611. 8vo. 

Valladolid, 1617. 8vo. 

Euis mentions an edition published at Baeza in 1617. I have 
not seen it. 

Los seys libros de la Galatea. Barcelona, 1618. 8vo. 

La discreta Galatea. Lisboa, 1618. 8vo. 

Los seis libros de la Galatea. Madrid, 1736. 8vo. 

Madrid, 1772. 4to. 

2 tomos. Madrid, 1784. 8vo. 

■ 3 tomos. Madrid, 1805. 8vo. 

2 tomos. Madrid, 1823. 8vo. 

Paris, 1835. 4to. 

Paris, 1841. 4to. 

Madrid, 1866. 4to. 

[Edicidn diamante.] Madrid, 1883. 12mo. 


Los Enamorados 6 Galatea y sus bodas : historia pastoral comen- 
zada por Miguel de Cervantes Saavedra. Abreviada deepues, y 
continuada, y idtimamente concluida por Don Cdndido Maria Tri- 
gneros. 4 tomos. Madrid, 1798. 8vo. 

La Galatea de Miguel de Cervantes Saavedra, imitada, com- 
pendiada y concluida por Florian. Traducido por D. Casiano PeUicer. 
Madrid, 1814. 12mo. 

Barcelona, 1830. Bvo. 

Paris, 1840. 8vo. 


Galatea, a pastoral romance, imitated from Cervantes by M. de 
Florian. Translated by an Officer. Dublin, 1791. 8vo. 

Galatea: a pastoral romance. From the French of Monsieur 
Florian. By Miss Harriet Highley. London, 1804. 8vo. 

Galatea from the French of Florian by W. Marshall Craig. 
London, 1813. 12mo. 

Galatea. A pastoral romance, literally translated from the Spanish 
by Gordon Willoughby James Gyll. London, 1867. 8vo. 


Galat^e, roman pastoral; irnit^ de Cervantes par M. de Florian, 
Oapitaine de Dragons, et Gentilhomme de S.A.S. M^ le Due de 
Penthievre. Paris, 1783. 12mo. 

4= Edit. Paris, 1785. 12mo. 

Paris, 1793. 12mo. 

This pastiche is of course to be found in the (Euvres de Florian, 
frequently reprinted. 


Galathea. Ein Schaferroman nach Cervantes. Aus dem Fran- 
zosichen von Mylius. Berlin, 1787. 8vo. 

Griechisch und deutsch. Wien, 1824. 12mo. 

Nach dem Spanischen von F. Sigismund. Zwickau, 

1830. 8vo. 

von A. Keller und F. Notter. Stuttgart, 1840. Sammt- 

liche Werke. 

von F. M. Duttenhoffer. Pforzheim, 1840. 



La Galatea, romanzo pastoral; gik tirato dallo spagnuolo di 
Michele Cervantes dal Signore di Florian e dal franeese tradotto in 
Italiano [by Luigi Secreti]. Basilea, 1788. Svo. 

The earliest edition which. I have actually seen is that of 1799 ; 
but the dedicatory letter of Secreti and Florian's reply place the date 
of the first edition almost beyond dispute. 


Eelacion | de lo svcedi | do en la Civdad | de Valladolid, desde | 
el punto del felicisimo nacimiento del | Principe Don Felipe Dominico 
Victor I nuestro Senor : hasta que se acabaron las | demostraciones 
de alegria que | por ^1 se hizieron. | Al Conde de Miranda. | Ano 
1605. I Con Licencia. | En Valladolid, Por luan Godinez de Millis, | 
Vendese en casa de Antonio Coello en la libreria. | 46 ff. 4to.' 

Note. — This trifling pamphlet is not avowedly written by Cei- 
vantes ; but almost all experts admit its authenticity. 

Kelatione di qvanto h svccesso nella cittk di Vagliadolid. Dopo 
il f elicissimo nascimento del Principe di Spagna Don FUippo Dominico 
Vittorio. . . . Tradotta di lingua Castigliana da Gesare Parona. 
Milano, 1608. 4to. 


II Ingenioso || Hidalgo Don Qvi || xote de la Mancha, || Compuesto 
por Miguel de Ceruantes || Saauedra. Dirigido al Dvqve de Beiar, || 
Marques de Gibraleon, Conde de Benalcagar, y Bana- 1| res, Vizconde 
de la Puebia de Alcozer, Senor de || las villas de Capilla, Curiel, y || 
Burguillos. Ano, 1605. Con Privilegio, || En Madrid, Por luan de 
la Cuesta. || Vendese en casa de Francisco de Eobles, librero del Eey 
nro senor. 4to. Ff. 316. 

The Privilegio is dated September 26, 1604, the Testimonio de las 
Erratas, December 1, 1604, and the Tassa, December 20, 1604. 
The text consists of 316 S., of which the last four are unnumbered. 
It is preceded by 12 fi^. of prefatory matter and is followed by the 
Tahla on 4 ff. aU numbered. 

Ano 1605. 4to. Ff. 316. 


Note. — There are two ludicrous misprints on the title-page — 
Barcelona instead of Benalcagar, and Burgillos instead of Burguillos. 
" Conpriuilegio de Castilla, Amgon, ij Portugal" is prLated instead of 
" Con Privilegio." The Privilegio for Portugal is dated February 9, 
1605. In this edition the 316 ff. are all numbered. 

Em Lisboa. Impresso com lisenga da Santo Officio por 

lorge Eodriguez. Anno de 1605. dto. M. 210. 

The dedication is omitted from the title-page. The Aprohaeion is 
dated February 26, 1605, the licen^a March 1, 1605. This edition 
is printed in double columns. 

Con licencia de la S. Inquisicion. En Lisboa : Impresso 

por Pedro Crasbeeck. Ano M. DCV. 8vo. Ff. 448. 

The dedication is omitted from the title-page. The licenses are 
dated March 27 and March 29, 1605. 

Impreso con licencia, en Valencia, en casa de Pedro 

Patricio Mey, 1605. A costa de lusepe Ferrer mercader de libros, 
delante la Diputacion. 8vo. Pp. 768. 

The Aprohaeion is dated July 18, 1605. Salvd mentions another 
impression of this edition of Mey's later in 1605. I have failed to 
discover it. 

En Brvsselas, Por Eoger Velpivs, Impressor de sus 

Altezas, en I'Aguila de oro, cerca de Palacio, Ano 1607. 8vo. Pp. 595. 

The Privilegio is dated March 7, 1607. 

Ano 1608. Con priuilegio de Castilla, Aragon, y 

Portugal. En Madrid, Por luan de la Cuesta. Vendese en casa 
de Francisco de Eobles, librero del Eey nro seflor. 4to. Ff. 277. 

Burguillos is misprinted Burgillos on the title-page, as in the 
second edition. The licencia is dated June 25, 1608. Cervantes is 
said to have corrected this edition, which, in consequence, is highly 
valued. The statement rests on the authority of Brunet, Navarrete, 
and Ticknor, and is entirely a matter of conjecture ; in my opinion 
this surmise is worth very little. Some commentators have called this 
the second edition. Chronologically, at all events, it is the seventh. 

En Milan. Por el Heredero de Pedromartir Locarni y 

luan Bautista Bidello. Ano 1610. Con licencia de Superiores, y 
Preuilegio. 8vo. Pp. 722. 

The dedicatory letter, " AH' 111"" Senor el Sig. Conde Vitaliano 
Vizconde," is dated July 24, 1610. 

. ■ En Brvcelas, Por Eoger Velpius y Huberto Antonio, 


Impressores de sus Altezas, en I'Aguila de oro, cerca de Palacio. 
Ano 1611. 8vo. Pp. 586. 

The Privilegio of March 7, 1607, is reprinted at the end of the 

Ano 1617. Impresso con licencia, en Barcelona, en 

caaa de Bautista Sorita, en la Libreria. A costa de Miguel Gracian 
Librero. Svo. Pp. 736. 

The licencia is dated June 4, 1617. 

Por Huberto Antonio. Brvcelas. Ano 1617. Svo. 


Segvnda Parte || del Ingenioso || Cavallero Don || Qvixote de la || 
Mancha. || Por Miguel de Ceruantes Saauedra, autor de su primera 
parte. || Dirigida a don Pedro Fernandez de Castro, Conde de Le- 1[ 
mos, de Andrade, y de Villalua, Marques de Sarria, G-entil- || hombre 
de la Camara de su Magestad, Comendador de la || Encomienda de 
Penafiel, y la Zarga de la Orden de Al- || cantara, Yirrey, Gouemador, 
y Capitan General del Keyno de Napoles, y Presidente del su- 1| pretno 
Consejo de Italia. Ano 1615. Con Privilegio, || En Madrid, Por 
luan de la Cuesta. || Vendese en casa de Francisco de Robles, librero 
del Eey K S. 4to. Ff. 280. 

In the second part Cavallero has been substituted for Hidalgo on 
the title-page. The Aprouadon of Marquez Torres is dated February 
27, 1615; that of Valdiuielso March 17, 1615; and that of Cetina, 
November 5, 1615. The Privilegio is dated March 30, 1615 ; the 
Tassa and Fee de Erratas, October 21, 1615; and the Dedicatory 
Epistle is dated October 31, 1615. 

En Valencia, En casa de Pedro Patricio Mey, junto 

a San Martin. 1616. A. costa de Roque Sonzonio Mercader de 
Libros. 8vo. Pp. 766. 

The Aprouacion is dated January 27, 1616. The licencia is dated 
May 27, 1616. 

En Brvselas, Por Huberto Antonio. 1616. 8vo. 

The Permiso is dated Feb. 4, 1616. 

En Lisboa, por lorge Rodriguez, con todas las licencias 

necesarias. Ano 1617. 4to. 

The Aprobaciones are dated August 12, August 22nd, August 


25, and September 10, 1616. The Tassa is dated January 17 

En Barcelona, en casa de Sebastian Mathevad. Ano 

1617. 8vo. 

Salvd declares this to be the iirst complete edition of the two 
conjoint parts. It may be so ; but I have not succeeded in dis- 
covering it. Salvd is not altogether trustworthy in bibliographical 
minutim. Every statement made by him should be very carefully 
verified before acceptation. 


Primera y segunda parte del ingenioso hidalgo, etc. 2 tomos. 
Madrid, 1637. 4to. 

This is the first complete edition according to D. Martfn Eer- 
ndndez de Navarrete. There was formerly, and perhaps still is, 
a copy in the Birmingham Free Library. 

2 tomos. Madrid, 1647. 4to. 

2 tomos. Madrid, 1655. 4to. 

Parte primera y segunda del ingenioso Don Quixote de la Mancha. 
Madrid, 1662. 4to. 

Vida y hechos del Ingenioso Cavallero Don Quixote de la Mancha. 
Nueva edicion, corregida y Uustrada con differentes estampas. 2 tomos. 
Bruselas, 1662. 4to. 

Note. — This is, so far as I know, the first illustrated edition 
of Don Quixote: the title has been changed from El ingenioso 
Hidalgo, etc., and El ingenioso Gavallero, to Yida y hechos del, etc. 

Madrid, 1662-1668. 4to. 

KoTB. — There is a bibliographical difficulty here : the second part 
is dated 1662 ; the first part is dated 1668. 

Vida y hechos, etc. 2 tomos. Bruselas, 1671. 8vo. 

Nueva edieidn, corregida y ilustrada con treinta y dos 

estampas. 2 tomos. Amberes, 1672-1673. 8vo. 

Nueva edici<5n, corregida y ilustrada con treinta y cuatro 

laminas muy donosas, etc. Madrid, 1674. 4to. 

. Nueva edici6n, etc. 2 tomos. Amberes, 1697. 4to. 

. 2 tomos. Londres, 1701. 4to. 

2 tomos. Barcelona, 1704. 4to. 


Vida y hechos, etc. 2 tomos. Loudres, 1706. 4to. 

Dedicada al Ilmo. Sr. D. Diego de la Serna y Cantoral, 

comendador de la orden de Calatrava, etc. 2 tomos. Madrid, 1706. 

Nueva edicicin, corregida, y ilustrada con treinta y cinco 

Laminas muy donosas, y apropriadas k la materia. 2 tomos. Madrid, 
1714. 4to. 

Nueva edicidn, etc. 2 tomos.- Amberes, 1719. 8vo. 

2 tomos. Madrid, 1723. 4to. 

2 tomos. Madrid, 1730. 4to. 

Con la dedieatoria al mismo D. Quixote, escrita por su 

cronista, descuMerta y traducida con imponderable desvelo y trabajo. 
2 tomos. Madrid, 1730. 4to. 

Nueva edicidn corregida, ilustrada, etc. 2 tomos. 

Madrid, 1735. 4to. 

■ 2 tomos. Leon de Francia [Lyon], 1736. 8vo. 

(Advertencias de D. Juan Oldfield sobre las estampas : 

Vida de Miguel de Cervantes Saavedra : Autor Don Gregorio Maydns 
i Siscar). 4 tomos. Londres, 1737-1738. 4to. 

2 tomos. Haia, 1739. 

— 2 tomos. Madrid, 1741. 4to. 

Con muy bellas Estampas, gravadas sobre los Dibujos de 

Coypel, etc. 4 tomos. Haia. 1744. 8vo. 

. . . con el resto de las Obras Poeticas de las Aca- 

demicos de la Argamasilla, halladas por el mas cfelebre Adivinador de 
nuestros tiempos. 2 tomos. Madrid, 1750. 4to. 

2 tomos. Madrid, 1750. 4to. 

Ilustrada con quarenta y quatro Laminas muy apropriadas 

h, la materia, y es la impression mas anadida que ay. 2 tomos. Madrid, 
1751. 4to. 

4 tomos. Barcelona, 1755. 8vo. 

■ — 4 tomos. Amsterdam y Lipsia, 1755. 12mo. 

4 tomos. Tarragona, 1757. 8vo. 

— 4 tomos. Barcelona, 1762. 8vo. 

(Vida de Miguel de Cervantes Saavedra. Su autor Don 

Gregorio Mayans i Siscar). 2 tomos. Madrid, 1764-1765. 4to. 

4 tomos. Madrid, 1765. 8vo, 

4 tomos. Madrid, 1771. 8vo. 

Nueva edicidn corregida ^ ilustrada con varias Laminas , 


finas, y la vida del Autor [by D. Gregorio Mayans i Siscar]. 4 tomos. 
Madrid, 1777, 8vo. 

Vida y hechos, etc. 4 tomos. Madrid, 1777. 8vo. 

El ingenioso Mdalgo Don Quixote de la Mancha. . . . 

Nueva edici6n corregida por la Eeal Academia Espanola. Vida 
de Cervantes y andlisis del Quixote. 4 tomos. Madrid, 1780. 

Note. — The Life of Cervantes, in this, the first edition issued by 
the Spanish Academy, is written by Vicente de los Elos. 

Historia del famoso cavallero Don Quixote de la Mancha . . . 
con anotaciones, indices y varias lecciones : por el Keverendo D. Juan 
Bowie. 6 tomos. Londres, 1781. 4to. 

El ingenioso hidalgo Don Quixote de la Mancha . . . Nueva 
edicidn corregida por la Keal Academia Espanola. 4 tomos. Madrid, 
1782. 8vo. 

4 tomos. Madrid, 1782. 8vo. 

El ingenioso hidalgo Don Quixote de la Mancha. Tercera edici6n, 
corregida por la Eeal Academia Esprfnola. 6 tomos. Madrid, 1787. 

6 tomos. Madrid, 1797-1798. 16mo. 

Nueva edici6n, corregida denuevo ; con nuevas notas, 

con nuevas estampas, con nuevo analisis y con la vida de el autor 
nuevamente aumentada por D. Juan Antonio Pellieer. 5 tomos. 
Madrid, 1797-1798. 

The GrenvUle Library contains one of six magnificent copies 
printed on vellum. 

Con nuevas notas, nuevas vinetas, por D. Juan Antonio 

Pellieer. 9 tomos. Madrid, 1798-1800. 12mo. 

7 tomos. Leipzig, 1800-1807. 16mo. 

16 tomos. Madrid, 1803-1805. 8vo. 

Vida y hechos del ingenioso, etc. Madrid, 1804. 8vo. 
El ingenioso hidalgo Don Quixote de la Mancha. 4 tomos. 
Burdeos, 1804. 8vo. 

Con vida del autor y notas por L. Ideler. 6 tomos. 

Berlin, 1804. 8vo. 

Historia del ingenioso hidalgo, etc. 6 tomos. Barcelona, 1808- 
1814. 12mo. 

Vida y hechos del ingenioso hidalgo, etc. 4 tomos. Madrid, 1808. 


El ingenioso hidalgo Don Quixote de la Mancha . . . per el 
Edo. D. Felipe Fernandez, A. M. 4 tomos. London, 1808. 18mo. 

4 tomos. Leon, 1810. 8vo. 

7 tomos. Paris, 1814. 12mo. 

Nueva edicidn corregida por el Edo. Don Felipe Fer- 
nandez, A.M. 4 tomos. London, 1814. 8vo. 

4 tomos. Burdeos, 1815. 12mo. 

6 tomos. Leipsique, 1818. 8vo. 

Cuarta edicidn corregida por la Real Academia Espanola, 

(Con vida por Navarrete.) 4 tomos. Madrid, 1819. 8vo. 

4 tomos. Paris, 1825. 18mo. 

6 tomos. Paris, 1825. 12mo. 

2 tomos. Madrid, 1826. 8vo. 

6 tomos. Paris, 1826. 32mo. 

Note. — This edition forms vols, ii.-vi. of the Ohras Escogidas 
edited by Agustln Garcia de Arrieta. 

4 tomos. Madrid, 1826. 8vo. 

Edici6n en miniatura enteramente conforme 4 la ultima 

corregida y puhlicada por la Eeal Academia Espanola. [Edited by 
Joaquin Maria de Ferrer.] Paris, 1827. 12mo. 

Ilustrado con notas, etc. 6 tomos. Paris, 1827. 


Note. — I have never seen this edition. 

2 tomos. Berlin, 1831. 8vo. 

With a vocabulary by J. B. W. Beneeke. 

4 tomos. Madrid, 1831. 16mo. 

2 tomos. Zaragoza, 1831. 8vo. 

Nueva edicidn conforme en todo k la liltima de la Eeal 

Academia Espanola. 4 tomos. Barcelona, 1832-1834. 8vo. 

Note. — La ultima de la Real Academia Espanola is, of course, 
the edition of 1819. 

6 tomos. Barcelona, 1832-1835. 8vo. 

4 tomos. Madrid, 1832. 12mo. 

2 tomos. Paris, 1832. 16mo. 

A reprint of Joaquin Maria Ferrer's edition of 1827, with slight 
typographical changes. 

Comentado por Don Diego Clemencin. 6 tomos. 

Madrid, 1833-1839. 4to. 

Note. — This edition is of great importance and value. 


El ingenioso hidalgo, etc. Con el elogio de Cervantes por D. Jos6 
Mor de Fuentes. Paris, 1835. 8vo. 

Vol. i. of the Coleccion de los mejores autores esjpandles. 

Con el elogio de Cervantes por D. Jos6 Mor de Fuentes. 

Leipzig, 1836. 8vo. 

2 tomos. Zaragoza, 1837. 8vo. 

2 tomos. Boston, 1837. 4to. 

4 tomos. Paris, 1838. 12mo. 

Paris, 1838. 8vo. 

Barcelona, 1839. 8vo. 

Edici6n adornada con 800 laminas repartidas por el 

contexto. 2 tomos. Barcelona, 1839. dto. Segunda edicidn, 

Con la vida de Cervantes por D. M. F. de INavarrete. 

Paris, 1840. 8vo. 

Paris, 1840. 

Historia de la vida del ingenioso, etc. Ultima edicidn, conforme 
al original primitivo. 4 tomos. Madrid, 1840. 8vo. 

El ingenioso hidalgo, etc. 5 tomos. Barcelona, 1840. Fol. 

!— 6 tomos. Barcelona, 1840. 16mo. 

Vida y hechos del ingenioso hidalgo, etc. 3 tomos. Barcelona, 
1841. 8vo. 

El ingenioso hidalgo, etc. Nueva edici(5n cldsica, ilustrada con 
notas hist6ricas, gramaticales y criticas, por la Academia Espanola, 
sus individuos de niimero, Pellicer, Arrieta y Clemencin. Enmen- 
dada y corregida por Francisco Sales. Tercera edici6n. 2 tomos. 
Boston, 1842. 8vo. 

Adornada de 125 estampas litogrdficas, etc. 2 tomos. 

M^jico, 1842. 8vo. 

Madrid, 1844. Fol. 

4 tomos. Madrid, 1844. 8vo. 

Nueva edici{5n corregida y aumentada por D. Eugenio de 

Ochoa. Paris, 1844. 8vo. 

Nueva edicidn conforme d la corregida y anotado por 

D. Eugenio de Ochoa. 6 tomos, Barcelona, 1845. 16mo. 
2 tomos. Madrid, 1845. 8vo. 

Paris, 1845. 8vo. 

Vida y hechos del ingenioso hidalgo, etc. 3 tomos. Barcelona, 
1845-1846, 8vo. 


El ingenioso hidalgo, etc. Madrid, 1846. 

Paris, 1847. 18mo. 

Madrid, 1847. 4to. 

2 tomos. Barcelona, 1848. -ito. 

Paris, 1848. 4to. 

Ilustrada con notas histdricaa, gramaticales j criticas. 

Segun las de la Academia Eapanola . . . aumentada con El Buscapi^ 
anotado por Adolfo de Castro. [Observaciones del Senor Juan 
Eugenio Hartzenbusch.J Madrid, 1850. 8vo. 

2 tomos. Paris, 1850. 8vo. 

Madrid, 1851. Fol. 

Madrid, 1851. 8vo. 

Anotado por Eugenio de Oclioa. Nueva York, 1853. 


Nueva edici6n ilustrada con notas de Pellicer, y adornada 

con Mminas finas, bajo la direcci6n de D. Francisco Bonosio Piferrer. 
4 tomos. Madrid, 1853-1854. 4to. 

2 tomos. Seyilla, 1 854-1 8S5. 4to. 

Paris, 1855. 8vo. 

2itomos. Sevilla, 1855. 8vo. 

2 tomos. Madrid, 1855-1856. 4to. 

2 tomos. Barcelona, 1857. 8vo. 

Anotado por Eugenio de Oclioa. Nueva York, 1857. 8vo. 

2 tomos. Barcelona, 1859. Fol. 

Segun el texto eorregido y aumentado por el Sr. Oclioa. 

Nueva edicidn americana, accompanada de un ensayo histdrico sobre 
la vida y eseritas de Cervantes. Por Jorge Ticknor. Ifueva York, 
1860. 8vo. 

Paris, 1859. 8vo. 

Nueva edici6n, corregida y anotada por D. Eugenio 

da Ochoa. Bensanzon, 1860. 8vo. 

2 tomos. Leipzig, 1860. 8vo. 

Paris, 1861, 4to. 

2 tomos. Madrid, 1862. 8vo. 

3 tomos. Madrid, 1862-1863. Fol. 

Edici6n corregida con especial estudio por Don J. E. 

Hartzenbusch. 4 tomos. Argamasilla de Alba, 1863. 12mo. 

4 tomos. Madrid y Argamasilla de Alba, 1863. 8vo. 

Note. — This edition forms vols, iii.-vi. of the Obras Completas. 


El ingenioso hidalgo, etc. Barcelona, 1864. 8vo. 

2 tomos. Barcelona, 1864. 8vo. 

Nueva York, 1864. 8vo. 

Paris, 1864. 4to. 

Novisima edici6n, con notas hist6ricas de la Academia 

Espanola, Pellicer, Arrieta. Aumentada del Buscapie anotado por 
Adolfo de Castro. Adornado con 300 grabados y el retrato del autor. 
Madrid, 1865. 8vo. 

2 tomos. Leipzig, 1866. 8vo. 

Note. — This edition is included in the third and fourth volume 
of the Goleccidn de autores'espanoles. 

Madrid, 1867. 

2 tomos. Madrid, 1868. 8vo. 

Madrid, 1868. 8vo. 

Madrid, 1868. 8vo. 

Note. — Only the first volume of this edition, apparently, has 
heen published. 

2 tomos. Barcelona, 1869. 8vo. 

La primera edici6n . . . reproducida en facsimile por la 

foto-tipografia, y publicada por su inventor el Coronel D. Francisco 
L6pez Fabra. 2 tomos. Barcelona, 1871-1873. 4to. 

2 tomos. Valencia, 1872. 8vo. 

[Edited by D. Eam6n Le6n Mainez.] Cadiz, 1877. 8vo. 

Sevilla, 1879. 16mo. 

2 tomos. Madrid, 1880. 16mo. 

Barcelona, 1881. 4to. 

2 tomos. Barcelona, 1882. 4to. 

Don Quixote. Xueva edicidn, con notas sobre el texto, del puno 
y letra del autor, en el ejemplar prueba de correcci6n de la primera 
edicidn de 1605, etc. 2 tomos. Palencia, 1884. 8vo. 

This is edited by D. Feliciano Ortego Aguirrebena : he has been 
grossly victimised by some forger. 

. Novisima edicidn aumentado con El Buscapi^. Adornado 

con 300 Grabados ratercalados, Mminas sueltas, etc. Madrid, 1887. 


El Quijote de los ninos y para el pueblo. Abreviado por un 
entusiasta de su autor. Madrid, 1856. 16mo. 



El Quijote para todos, atreviado y anotado por un entusiasta de 
su autor. Madrid, 1856. 8vo. 


Don Quijote de la Mancha. Ze spatielsk^ho prelo^il I. Boj. 
Pichl. Pt. i.-iv. Prag, 1864. 8vo. 

Don Quijote de la Mancha. Ze spanelsk^ho pfelozil Kristian 
Stefan. Prag, 1868. 8vo. 


L' enginyos Cavalier Don Quixot de la Manxa compost por 
Miquel de Cervantes Saavedra. TrasUadat a nostra Uengua matema, 
y en algunes partides lliurement exposat per Antoni Bulbena y 
Tusell. Barcelona, 1891. 8vo. 


Miguel de Cervantes Saavedra, zivot i djela glasovitoga viteza 
Dona Quixotta de la Mancha. Po francezkom, za mladez priredjenu 
izdanju hrvatski napisao Jos. Eugen Tomic. Zagreb, 1878. 8vo. 


t)en sindrige Herremands Don Quixote af Mancha Levnet eg 
Bedrifter. Eorfattet af Miguel de Cervantes Saavedra. Oversat, 
efter det 1 Amsterdam og Leipzig 1755, udgivne Spanske Oplag af 
Charlotta Dorothea Biehl. 4 vols. Kjobenhavn, 1776-1777. 8vo. 

Den sindrige Adelsmands Don Quixote, etc. Oversat af C. D. 
Biehl. Anden Udgan, revideret af F. L. Liebenberg. 2 vols. 
Kjobenhavn, 1863-1869. 8vo. 

Den sindrige Adelsmands Don Quixote af la Mancha, Levnet og 
Bedrifter. Oversat ved F. Schaldemose. 4 vols. Kjobenhavn, 
1829-1831. 8vo. 


Den Verstandigen Vroomen Bidder Don Quichot de la Mancha 
. , . uyt de Spaensche in onse Nederlandtsche Tale overgeset door 
L. V. B, [i.e. Lambert van den Bos]. Dordrecht, 1657, Svo. 


Eeprinted at Amsterdam, 1669, 1670, 1696, 1699. Another 
edition at Hage, 1746, 1746, 1746, and 1802. 2 vols. 

De Glide en rechte Don Quiohot de la Mancha, of de verstandige 
en VTome Eidder van de Leeuwen . . . uit de Spaansche in de Neder- 
■duitsche Tale overgezet door L. v. B. 2 vols. Amsterdam, 1 732. 8vo. 

[This is the seventh edition of Lamhert van den Bos' version.] 

De Kidder Don Quiohot van Mancha. 2 vols. Amsterdam, 
1819. 8vo. 

De vernuftige jonkheer Don Quichote van de Mancha, uit het 
Spaansch vertaald door C. L. SchuUer tot Peursum. 4 vols. Haarlem, 
1854-1859. 8vo. 

Eeprinted in folio at Haarlem, with Gustave Doric's illustrations, 
in 1870; at Leiden, 1877-1879. 

Don Quichot van la Mancha, naar Miguel Cervantes de Saavedra, 
voor de Kederlandtsche jeugd bewerkt door J. J. A. Goevemeur. 
Leiden, 1871. 8vo. 

Don Quichotte vertaal door Titia van Der Tuuk. Med 85 
gravures. 2 vols. Amsterdam, 1889. 8vo. ' 


Shelton's Translation. 

The History of Don-Qvichote. The first parte. Printed for Ed : 
Blounte. [1612?] 4to. 

Dedicated to the Eight Honovrable, his verie good Lord, the 
Lord of Walden, etc., by Thomas Shelton. 

The Second Part of the History of the valorous and witty Knight- 
Errant, Don Quixote of the Mangha. Written in Spanish by Michael 
•Ceruantes : And now Translated into English. London, Printed for 
Edward Blount. 1620. 

Dedicated to the Eight Honourable, George Marquesse Bucking- 
ham, Viscount ViUiers, Baron of Whaddon, Lord High AdmiraU of 
England, etc., by Ed : Blount. 

See Arber's Transcript of the Registers of the Company of Stationers 
of London (vol. iii. pp. 204, 267). 

The History of the Valorous and Witty Knight-Errant, Don 
{Quixote, of the Mancha. Translated out of the Spanish ; now newly 
corrected and amended. London, 1652. Fol. 

London, 1675. Fol. 

z 2 


The History of the most Ingenious Knight Don Quixote de la 
Manoha. . . . Formerly made English by Thomas Shelton ; now 
Kevis'd, Corrected, and partly new Translated from the Original. 
By Capt. John Stevens. 2 vols. London, 1706. 8vo. 

The History of the Valorous and Witty Knight-Errant, etc. 
Translated into English by Thomas Shelton, and now printed ver- 
batim from the 4to edition of 1620. With cuts from the French of 
Coypel. 4 vols. London, 1725. 12mo. 

Philips' Translation. 
The History of Don Quixote of Mancha : and his trusty Squire 
Sancho Pancha. Now made English according to 'the Humour of 
our Modern Language, and adorned with several copper plates. By 
J[ohn] P[hilips], London, 1687. FoL 

Motteuafs Translation. 

The History of the renowned Don Quixote de la Mancha. . . . 
Translated from the Original by several hands and publish'd by 
Peter Motteux. 4 vols. London [1701 1]. 12mo. 

Note. — Eobert Watt's Bihliotheca Britannica states that the first 
edition was published in 1701, and Mr. Henri van Laun in his Life of 
Motteux repeats the statement. He tells me that he has not handled 
any edition earlier than the third ; nor have I. 

Adorn'd with sculptures. The Third Edition. 4 vols. 

London, 1712. 12mo. 

The Fourth Edition. Carefully Kevised and compared' 

with the Best Edition of the Original, Printed at Madrid. By J.. 
Ozell. 4 vols. London, 1719. 12mo. 

The Fifth Edition carefully Eevised ... by J. Ozell.. 

4 vols. London, 1725. 12mo. Also reprinted in 1733 and 1743. 

4 vols. Glasgow, 1757. 12mo. 

Eevised a-new from the best Spanish Edition by Mr. 

Ozell. 4 vols. Edinburgh, 1766. 12mo. 

Eevised anew from the best Spanish edition by Mr.. 

Ozell. 4 vols. Edinburgh, 1803. 12mo. 

The History of the Ingenious Gentleman Don Quixote of La 
Mancha ; translated from the Spanish by Motteux. A New Edition 
with copious notes; and an essay on the Life and Writings of 
Cervantes [by J. G. Lockhart]. 5 vols. Edinburgh, 1822. 8vo. 


The History of Don Quixote de la Mancha. London, 1847. 8vo. 

The translation of Motteux " has been principally adhered to in 
the present edition." 

Adventures of Don Quixote de la Mancha. Translated from the 
Spanish ... by Motteux. New and revised edition. London, 
1877. 8vo. 

This forms part of the Ghandos Classics. 

The History of the Ingenious Gentleman Don Quixote de la 
Mancha translated from the Spanish by P. A. Motteux. [With a 
Life of the Author and notes by J. G. Lockhart and etchings by 
A. Lalauze.] 4 vols. Edinburgh, 1874-1884. 8vo. 

The History of Don Quixote of La Mancha translated from the 
Spanish by Motteux; edited with notes and memoir by John G. 
Lockhart J preceded by a short notice of the Life and "Works of 
Motteux by Henri van Laun. With sixteen original etchings by 
K. de los Kios. 4 vols. London, 1880-1881. 8vo. 

The Achievements of the Ingenious Gentleman Don Quixote de 
la Mancha. A Translation based on that of Peter Anthony Motteux, 
with the memoir of John Gibson Lockhart. Edited by Edward Ball, 
M.A. 2 vols. London, 1882. 8vo. 

This forms part of BoJin's Standard Library, 

Ward's Translation, 

The Life and ifotable Adventures of that renown'd Knight Don 
Quixote de la Mancha. Merrily translated into Hudibrastick Verse. 
By Edward Ward. 2 vols. London, 1711-1712. Bvo. 

Jarvis' Translation. 

The Life and Exploits of the ingenious gentleman Don Quixote 
de la Mancha. Translated from the original Spanish ... by Charles 
Jarvis, Esq. 2 vols. London, 1742. 4to. 

the whole carefully revised and corrected, with a new 

Translation of the Poetical Parts by another Hand. The Second 
Edition. 2 vols. London, 1749. 8vo. 

The Third Edition. 2 vols. London, 1756. 4to. 

4 vols. London, 1766. 8vo. 

embellished with new engravings [by Stothard], etc. 

4 vols. London, 1801. 8vo. 


The Life and Exploits of the ingenious gentleman Don Quixote 
de la Mancha. Translated from the original Spanish ... by Charles 
Jarvis, Esq. To which is prefixed the Life of the Author [based 
upon that of Don Juan Antonio Pellicer]. 4 vols. London, 1809. 

4 vols. London, 1819. 8vo. 

The Life and Adventures of Don Quixote de la Mancha. A 
New Edition with engravings from designs by Eichard WestaU, E.A. 
4 vols. London, 1820. 8vo. 

The Life and Exploits of Don Quixote de la Mancha. 4 vols. 
London, 1821. 12mo. 

• 2 vols. London, 1824. 8vo. 

Illustrated by Cruikshank. 2 vols. London, 1831. 


Illustrated by Tony Johannot. 3 vols. London, 1837- 

1839. 8vo. 

2 vols. London, 1842. 8vo. 

Adventures of Don Quixote de la Mancha. 2 vols. London, 
1852. 8vo. 

Illustrated by John Gilbert. London, 1856. 8vo. 

The History of Don Quixote by Cervantes. The Text edited by 

J. W. Clark, M.A., Fellow of Trinity College, Cambridge. And a 
Biographical Notice ... by T. Teignmouth Shore, M.A. Illustrated 
by Gustave Dore. London, 1864-1867. 4to. 

Note. — The English text adopted in this edition is that of Jarvis 
with occasional corrections from Motteaux' (sic) translation. 

This edition has been reprinted in 1870-1872, in 1876-1878, and 
in 1880. 

The Adventures of Don Quixote de la Mancha. Illustrated by 
Tony Johannot. 10 parts [incomplete]. London (1864-1865 ?) 8vo. 

London, 1866. 

With one hundred illustrations by A. B. Houghton, 

engraved by the Brothers Dalziel. London, 1866. 8vo. 

Carefully revised and corrected, London, 1870. 8vo. 

This forms part of Beeton's Boys' Own Library. 

London, 1879. 8vo. 

London, 1880. 8vo. 

London, 1881. 8vo. 

This forms part of the Excelsior Series. 


Don Quixote ; [Gulliver's Travels and Captain Cook's Voyages]. 
London, 1882. 4to. 

Don Quixote from the Spanish. London, 1882. 4to. 

El ingenioso hidalgo Don Quixote de la Mancha. Translated by 
Charles Jarvis. "With an introduction by Henry Morley, LL.D. 
London, 1885. 8vo. 

Vol. XXV. and xxvi. of Morley's Universal Library, 

2 parts. London, 1890. 8vo. 

This forms part of Routledge's Popular Library, and is a reprint of 
the preceding edition of 1885. 

London, 1892. 8vo. 

This forms part of the series called Routledge's Books for the People. 
N"oTB. — The translations of Jarvis and Motteux have been fre- 
quently reprinted in the United States. 

SviolleWs Translation. 

The History and Adventures of the renowned Don Quixote. 
Translated from the Spanish. ... To which is prefixed some account 
of the author's life by T. SmoUett, M.D. 2 vols. London, 1705. 4to. 

Note. — Epbert Watt's Bibliotheca Britannica mentions an edition 
of 1752. I am inclined to think that Watt is in error. I have 
failed to discover it in any collection. 

4 vols. London, 1761. 8vo. 

4 vols. London, 1765, 8vo. 

4 vols. London, 1782. 8vo. 

The Mfth Edition. 4 vols. London, 1872. 8vo. 

4 vols. London, 1792. 12mo. 

The Sixth Edition corrected. 4 vols. London, 1793. 


4 vols. Dublin, 1796. 8vo. 

Cooke's Edition. 5 vols. London, 1799. 12mo. 

4 vols. Glasgow, 1803. 8vo. 

London [1837 ?]. 8vo. 

Miscellaneous Translations. 

The Delightful History of Don Quixot, The Most Kenowned 
Baron of Mancha. Containing his Noble Atchievements, and Sur- 
prizing Adventures, his Daring Enterprises, and Valiant Engagements 
for the Peerless Dulcinea del Toboso, and the various and wonderful 


Occurrences that attended his Love and Arms. Also The Comical 
Humours of his Facetious Squire Sancho Pancha. And all other 
matters that conduce to the illustration of that Celebrated History, 
no less pleasant than gravely Moral. London, 1689. 8vo. 

The Epistle Dedicatory is signed K 8. 

The History of the renowned Don Quixote de la Mancha. Written 
originally in Spanish . . . ; and translated into English by George 
Kelly, Esq. To v?hich are added notes of the more difficult Passages. 
4 vols. London, 1769. Svo. 

Don Quixote de la Mancha. Translated from the Spanish [by 
Mary Smirke]. Embellished with engravings from pictures painted 
by Eobert Smirke, Esq., R.A. 4 vols. London, 1818. 4to. 

Don Quixote de la Mancha translated from the Spanish. . . . 
With fifty page plates by Sir John Gilbert, K.A. London, 1877. Svo. 

NoTB. — The editor's preface states that in this edition a free use 
has been made of preceding versions, but " too much has been either 
altered or re-written, throughout the whole, fairly to leave in the 
names of any of its former translations." 

The Ingenious Knight Don Quixote de la Mancha. A new 
Translation from the originals of 1605 and 1608. The Second Part 
of the Ingenious Knight, etc., by Alexander James Duffield. 3 vols. 
London, 1881. Svo. 

Don Quixote, from the Spanish, with thirty Dlustrations by Sir 
John Gilbert, Tony Johannot, and others. London, 1882. 8vo. 

This forms part of Rouiledge's Sixpenny Series. 

The Ingenious Gentleman, Don Quixote of La Mancha. A trans- 
lation, with introduction and notes by John Ormsby. 4 vols. 
London, 1885. 8vo. 

The Ingenious Gentleman, Don Quixote of La Mancha. A new 
edition; done into English, with notes, original and selected, and 
a new life of the author. By Henry Edward Watts. 5 vols. 
London, 1888. 4to. 


The much esteemed History of Don Quixote de la Mancha (con- 
tracted from the original). London, 1699. 12mo. 

The History of the ever-renowned Knight Don Quixote. London 
[1700?]. 4to. 


The much esteemed History of Don Quixote de la Mancha. 
2 parts. London, 1721. 12mo. 

The most admirable and dehghtful History of the atchievements 
of Don Quixote de la Mancha. London, 1721. 12mo. 

The life and exploits of Don Quixote de la Mancha abridged. 
London, 1778. 8vo. 

The history of Don Quixote; with an. account of his exploits. 
Abriged [from Smollett's translation]. Halifax, 1839. 16mo. 

The story of Don Quixote and his Squire Sancho Panza. By 
M. Jones. London, 1871. 8vo. 

The "Wonderful Adventures of Don Quixote de la Mancha. 
Abridged and adapted to youthful capacities by Sir Marvellous 
Crackjoke. With illustrations by Kenny Meadows and John Gilbert, 
London [1872]. 4to. 

The Adventures of Don Quixote adapted for young readers, and 
illustrated with coloured pictures. London [1883]. 4to. 


Don Quixote de la Mancha eli ritari surullisen muodon ritaris- 
tosta. Kuopiossa, 1877. 8vo. 


Le Valevreux Don Qvixote de la Manche ou I'histoire de ses 
grands Exploicts d'armes, fideles Amours, et Aduentures estranges. 
Traduit fidelement de I'Espagnol. . . . Par Cesar Oudin. Paris, 
1616. 8vo. 

Note. — This contains the first part only. The third edition of 
1620 is the earliest which I have seen. 

Histoire du redoutable et ing^nieux Chevalier Don Quixote. 
Traduite de I'espagnol par Frangois de Eosset. Paris, 1618. 8vo. 

Note. — The combined work of Oudin and Eosset, with a preface 
by E. Gebhart, has been reproduced in six volumes 16mo by the 
Librairie des Bibliophiles. Paris, 1884-1885. 

Histoire de I'admirable Don Quichotte traduite de I'espagnol [par 
Le Sieur Filleau de Saint-Martin]. 4 vols. Paris, 1677-1678. 

Note. — A second edition appeared in 1679, and the third (the 


earliest which I have seen) in 1695. The third edition consists of 
five volumes, in the last of which the adventures of Don Quixote are 
continued. A sixth volume was added by Gr^goire de Chasles to the 
Amsterdam edition of 1715. EUleau Saint-Martin's version has 
been frequently reprinted. There are editions of 1696, 1700 (both 
published at Amsterdam), 1711-1713, 1732, 1741, 1750, 1752, 1757, 
1768, 1773, 1795, 1825, 1826 (with a prefatory essay by Prosper 
M&im6e), and 1862. 

Les Aventures de Don Quichotte, trad. I'Espagnol, par Florian. 
6 vols. Paris, An VII. (1799). ISmo. 

liToTB. — This version is still reprinted. There are editions of 
1800, 1809, 1820, 1823, 1824, 1828, 1829, 1847, 1863, 1868, 1877, 
1882, etc. 

[CEuvres Choisies de Cervantes.] Le Don Quichotte. Traduction 
nouvelle par H. Bouchon-Duboumial. 8 vols. Paris, 1808. 12mo. 

ISToTB.— Eeprinted in 1820 and 1852. 

L'ingenieux chevalier Don Quixote de la Manche. Traduit de 
I'espagnol par de I'Aulnaye. 4 vols. Paris, 1821. 18mo. 

Note. — A new edition with a prefatory life of Cervantes by 
Adrien Grimaux was issued in 1884. 

L'ingenieux hidalgo Don Quichotte. Traduit et annot^ par Louis 
Viardot. Vignettes de Tony Johannot. 2 vols. Paris, 1836-1837. 

Note.— Other editions were published in 1838, 1841, 1844-1845, 
1853, 1857, 1858, 1859, 1863, 1864, and 1869. 

L'ingenieux chevalier Don Quichotte. Nouvelle Edition, revue et 
corrig^e par M. I'Abbe Lejeune. Paris, 1844. 8vo. 

Note.— Eeprinted in 1845, 1847, 1849. 

Histoire. de Don Quijote de la Manche, traduite sur le texte 
original, d'apr^s les traductions compar^es de Oudin et Eosset, FUleau 
de Saint-Martin, Plorian, Bouchon Dubournial et de I'Aulnaye par 
P. de Brotonne. 2 vols. Paris, 1837. 8vo. 

2= edition. 2 vols. 

L' Admirable Don Quichotte de la Manche, traduction nouvelle 
par M. Damas-Hinard. 2 vols. Paris, 1847. 12 mo. 

Histoire de I'incomparable Don Quichotte de la Manche. Traduite 
par. G. F. de Grandmaiaon y Bruno. 2 vols. Paris, 1854. 12mo. 

Le Don Quichotte du Jeune Age, aventures les plus curieuses 
de Don Quichotte et de Sancho. Pr6cedees d'une introduction his- 


torique . . . et siiivies d'une conclasion morale par Elizabeth Miiller. 
Paris, 1862. 8vo. 

Note. — This is an abridgment. 

L'ingenieux chevalier Don Quichotte traduction nouvelle, par 
Ch. Fume. 2 vols. Paris, 1858. 8vo. 

Reprinted in 1866. 

L'ingenieux chevalier de la Manche. Traduction nouvelle par 
Esmond. 2 vols. Paris, 1863. 12mo. 

L'ingenieux hidalgo Don Quichotte de la Manche. Traduction 
nouvelle de Lucien Biait, pr^cdd^e d'une notice . , . par Prosper 
Merimee. 4 vols. Paris, 1878. 12mo. 

L'ingenieux hidalgo don Quichotte de la Manche. Traduction 
par le docteur Th^ry. 2 vols. Paris, 1888. 12mo. 


Don Kichote de la Mantscha, das ist : Juncker Harnisch aus 
Fleckenland. Aus Hispanischer Sprach in hochteutsche iibersetzt 
dureh Pahsch Basteln von der Sohle. Kothen, 1621. 12mo. 

IfoTE. — This incomplete translation extends only to chapter xiii. 
(pt. i.). A second edition was published at Hoffgeissmar in 1648 
and a third at Frankfurt in 1669. 

Don Quixote von Mancha : Abenteuerliche GeSchichte. 2 vols. 
Basel und Frankfurt, 1682. 8vo. 

Des beriihmten Ritters Don Quixote von Mancha, lustige und 
sinnreiche Geschichte. Leipzig, 1734. 8vo. 

' Zweyte Auflage. Leipzig, 1753. 8vo. 

Dritte Auflage. Leipzig, 1767, 8vo. 

Don Quixote, vornehmste Begebenheiten. 4 vols. Leipzig, 1767. 

Leben und Thaten des weisen Junkers Don Quixote von la 
Mancha. Aus der Urschrift des Cervantes nebst der Forsetzung der 
Avellaneda von F. J. Bertuch. 6 vols. Leipzig, 1775. Svo. 

Carlsruhe, 1775 and 1785, Leipzig, 1781, and Wein, 


Leben und Thaten des Scharfsinnigen Edlen Don Quixote von la 
Mancha von Miguel de Cervantes Saavedra, iibersetzt von Ludwig 
Tieck. 4 vols. Berlin, 1799-1801. Svo. 

Note. — There are many reprints of this version — 1810 (the 


earUest edition which I have seen), 1817, 1831, 1860, 1866, 1872, 
and 1876. 

Der sinnreiche Junker Don Quixote von la Mancha. Aus dem 
Spanischen iibersetzt durch Dietrich WUhelm Soltau. 6 vols. 
Konigsberg, 1800-1801. 

Note. — Eeprinted at Leipzig in 1825 and at Vienna in the same 
year; also at Leipzig, 1837. 

In volligneuer Bearbeitung von W. Lange. 2 vols. 

Leipzig, 1877. 8vo. 

Leben und Thaten des edlen und tapfern Eitters Don Quixote 
von la Mancha. Zur Unterhaltung und Belustigung der Jugend neu 
bearbeitet von Louise Holder. Ulm, 1824. 8vo. 

Der scharfsinnige Junker Don Quixote von la Mancha. Aus 
dem Spanischen von L. G. Forster. Quedlinburg and Leipzig, 

Note. — This forms part of the Sdmmfliche Werlte. 

Leben und Thaten des sianreichen Junker Don Quixote. Ueber- 
setzt von Hieronymus Miiller, Zwickau, 1825. 

Note. — This forms part of the WerJce des Cervantes. 

Der sinnreiche Junker Don Quixote von la Mancha. . . . Aus 
dem Spanischen iibersetzt. Mit dem Leben von Miguel Cervantes 
nach Viardot, und einer Einleitung von Heinrich Heine. 2 vols. 
Stuttgart, 1837. 8vo. 

ISToTE. — Eeprinted in the SammtlioJie Romane und Novellen of 
A. Keller and F. Notter, Pforzheim, 1839. Other editions at Leipzig 
in 1843 and at Stuttgart in 1871. The Leipzig edition of 1843 
does not include Heine's Einleitung. 

Leben und Thaten des edela und tapfern Eitters Don Quixote 
von la Mancha. Fur die Jugend bearbeitet von Franz Hoffmann. 
Stuttgart, 1844. 8vo. 

Note. — Eeprinted in 1870 and 1875. 

Der siunreiche Junker Don Quijote von der Mancha. Aus dem 
Spanischen . . . von Edmund ZoUer. 4 vols. HUdburghausen, 
1867. 8vo. 

Vols, liii., Ivi., Ixii., and Ixv. of the Bihliothek auslandischer 

Der sinnreiche Junker Don Quixote von la Mancha. Fur die 
Jugend erzahlt von C. F. Lauckhard. Leipzig, 1869. 8vo. 

Leben und Thaten des bewunderungswiirdigen Eitters Don 


Quixote von la Mancha. . . . Fiei fur die deutsche Jugend be- 
arbeitet von Karl Seifart. Stuttgart, 1870. 8vo. 

Stuttgart, 1880. 8vo. 

Der sinnreiehe Junker Don Quijote von der Mancha iibersetzt 
von Ludwig Braunfels. 4 vols. Stuttgart, 1884. 8vo. 

Leben und Thaten des scharfsinnigen Edlen Don Quixote von der 
Mancha. Neu bearbeitet von Ernst von Wolzagen. Mit lUustr. 
von Gustav Dor(5. 2 vols. Berlin; 1884, Fol. 


AoK Kto-OT ^ TO TrepiepyoTepa tS>v a-vii^avTov avrov. Athens, 1860. 



Don Quixote by Karady Ignacz. 1848. 12ino. 

IfoTE. — A Hungarian translation of Bon Quixote is said to have 
been published at Pesth in 1813. I have not succeeded in tracing it. 

Don Quijote, a hires manchai lovag spanyol eredeti mii Cer- 
vantestol, Florian utdn franczi4b61 magyarva fordittota Horvath 
Gryorgy. Kecskemet, 1850. 8vo. 

Az elmes names Don Quijote de la Mancha, irta Miguel de 
Cervantes Saavedra. Spanyolb61 fordittota s bevezette Gyorg Vilmos. 
4 vols. Budapest, 1873. 8vo. 

Don Quichotte, a hires manchai lovag. Irta : Cervantes. Buda- 
pest. [1882?] 8vo. 

L' ingegnoso Cittadino Don Chisciotte della Mancia . . . hora 
nuouamente tradotto con fedelta, e chiarezza, di Spagnuolo, in 
ItaUano. Da Lorenzo Franciosini (Fiorentino). Venetia, 1622. 


IfoTE. — A translation of the first part only, the verses being re- 
tained in their original Spanish. 

Venetia, 1625. 8vo. 

IfoTB. Kavarrete says that in this second edition — which in- 
cluded both parts — the Spanish verses of the original were rendered 
into Italian verse by Alessandro Adimari (Fiorentino). 

Venice, 1629. 

2 vols. Eoma, 1677. 8vo 


Dell' ingegnoso Cittadino Don Chisciotte della Mancia . . . hora 
nuovamente tradotto ... da Lorenzo Franciosini (Fiorentmo). 
2 vols. Venezia, 1738. 8vo. 

4 vols. Venezia, 1755. Svo. 

8 vols. Milan, 1816. 16mo. 

L' ingegnoso cittadino Don Chisciotte della Maneia. Traduzione 
nnovissima dall' originale Spagnuolo, coUa Vita dell' Autore [and 
with engravings by F. Ifovelli]. 8 vols. Venezia, 1818-1819. 

traduzione nnovissima di Bartolomeo Gamba con la vita 

dell' autore. 6 vols. Venezia, 1818. 12mo. 

Le luminose geste di Don Chisciotte disegnate ed incise da 
Francesco Novelli in xxxiii Tavole con Spiegazioni. Venezia, 1819. 

IN'oTE. — It is stated at the end of the volume that only 102 copies 
were printed. 

Don Chisciotte della Mancia. Milano, 1S79. 4to. 

II Don] Chisciotte della gioventU, avventure curiosissime di Don 
Chisciotte e Sancio, con istruzione storica suU' origine della Cavalleria 
di Elisabetta Miiller. Milano, 1877. Svo. 


Don Kichot . . . przeklad z francuzkiego przez F. Podoskiego. 
6 vols. Warsawa, 1786. Svo. 

Don Kiszot z Manszy przez Cervantesa. Przeklad W. Zakrzews- 
kiego (z francuzkiego) illustracya slawnego Tonny Johannota. 4 vols. 
Warsawa, 1854-1855. Svo. 

Zabawne przygody Don Kiszota z Manszy. Krdkow, 1883. Svo. 


engenhoso Fidalgo Dom Quixote de la Mancha. Traduzido em 
vulgar. 6 vols. Lisboa, 1794. Svo. 

Other editions 1805 (Paris), 1830, adornada con 25 estampas 
finas, and Lisbon, 1853. 

Traduzido por los Vizcondes de Castilho e d' Azevedo. 

Lisboa, 1876. 4to. 

Traduzido por el Vizconde de Benaleanfor. 2 vols. 

Lisboa, 187S. Svo. 



L' enginous Signour Doun Quichoto A6 la Mg,ncho per Micheou 
de Cervantes Saavedra. 

Porcien doou chapitre xlii. (2° partido). Dei counseou qu6 doun6 
Doun Quichoto k Sancho-Pansa avan qu'anesse gouvema I'ilo, erne 
d'aoutrei cavo ben coumbinado. 

Note. — A Fragment : OEuvres completes de Andr^ Jean Victor 
Gelu. 2 vols. Marseilles et Paris, 1886. 8vo. 

Vol. ii. p. 299 et sef. 


Don Clii§ota de la Manchia, din Florian, dupa Cervantes. 
Bucuresci, 1840. 8vo. 


Istoriya o Slavnom La Mankhskom ruitsarye Don Kishotye. 
2 vols. St. Petersburg, 1769. 8vo. 

E'esluikhariTmii Chudodyei, ili . . . priklyuchenirga . . . ruit- 
sarya Don Kishota . . . perevel c frantenzskago [by N. 0., i.e. 
N. Osipov]. 2 pts. St. Petersburg, 1791. 12mo. 

Don Kishot La Mankhsky, sochinenie Servanta. [By Vasily 
ZhukovskyJ Moscow, 1805. 16mo. 

Other editions of 1815 and 1820. 

Don Kishot La Mankhsky, sochinenie Servanta [by N". Osipov], 
2 vols. Moscow, 1812. 8vo. 

Don Kishot La Mankhsky. 6 vols. St. Petersburg, 1831, 

Don Kishot La Mankhsky [by 'Konstantin Masalsky]. St. 
Petersburg, 1838. 8vo. 

Second edition, 1848. 

Don Kishot Lamankhsky [by A. Grech], St. Petersburg, 1860. 


Third edition, 1868; fourth edition, 1881. 


Don Kishot Lamankhsky [by V. Karelin]. 2 vols. St. Petersburg, 
1866. 8vo. 

Second edition, 1873; third edition, 1881. 

Don Kishot dlya dyetia [by IST. S. Lvov]. St. Petersburg, 1867. 

Don Kikbot Lamansky M. Servantesa [from Franz HofiFmann's 
German version, by N. Gernet]. Odessa, 1874. 8vo. 

Don Kikhot Lamanebsky, ruitsar pechal'nago obraza. . . . 
Peredyelano . . . dlya russkago yunosbestva 0. I. Shmidt-Moskvi- 
tinovoyu. [With six plates.] St. Petersburg, 1883. 4to. 

Istoriya znamenitago Don Kishota Lamankskago [by M. Chisty- 
akov]. St. Petersburg, 1883. 8vo. 


Don Kiot Manashanin. Satirichki roman chuvenog shpan'olskog 
spisaotsa Servantesa. Belgrade, 1862. 8vo. 

Pripovetka o slavnom vitezu Don Kikhotu od Mancbe. Panchevo, 
1882. 8vo. 


Don Quichotte af la Mancha, ofversatt efter Florian af G. G. Berg. 
Stockholm, 1802. 8vo. 

Den tappre och snillrike Eiddaren Don Quixottes af Mancha, 
Lefverne och Bedrifter . . . ofversatt af Jonas Magnus Stjemstolpe. 
4 vols. Stockholm, 1818-1819. 8vo, 

Don Quixote. Por ungdom bearbetad efter Plorian. Stockholm, 
1857. 8vo. 

Don Quixote af la Mancha. Ofversatt fran spanska originalet af 
A. L. [i.e. Axel Hellsten]. Stockholm, 1857. 8vo. 

Den beundrensvarda Historien om Don Quixote de la Mancha 
och bans vapendragare Sancho Panza. 

Don Quixote de la Mancha. Por ungdom bearbetad af A. Th. 

Don Quixote fran la Mancha. Bearbetad efter M. de Cervantes 
Saavedra af F. Hoffmann. Stockholm, 1876. 8vo. 



Novelas I Exemplares | de Miguel de | Ceruantes Saauedra. | 
Dirigido a Don Pedro Fernan | dez de Castro, Conde de Lemos, de 
Andrade, y de Villalua, | Marques de Sarria, Gentilhombre de la 
Camara de su | Magestad, Virrey, Gouernador, y Gapitan General | 
del Eeyno de Napoles, Comendador de la En | comienda de la Zarga 
de la Orden | de Alcantara. | Ano 1613. | Co priuilegio de Castilla, 
y de los Reynos de la Corona de Arago. | En Madrid. Por luan de 
la Cuesta. | Vendese en casa de Fracisco de Robles, librero del Eey 
nro Senor. | 4to. Ff. 274. 

Note. — The Aprovaeiones of Fr. Juan Bautista and Doctor Cetina 
are dated July 9, 1612. Those of Diego de Hortigosa and Alonso 
Geronimo de Salas Barbadillo are dated August 8, 1612, and July 31, 

1613, respectively. The Licencia is dated November 22, 1612, 
and the PHvilegio de Aragon is dated August 9, 1613. The Fee de 
Erratas is dated August 9, 1613, and the Tassa August 12, 1613. 
The Dedication is dated July 14, 1613. 

Ano 1614. En Madrid, por Juan de la Cuesta. 4to. 

Ff. 236. 

Ano 1614. Con licencia. En Pamplona, por Nicolas 

de Assiayn, Impressor del Eeyno de Nauarra. 8vo. Ff. 391. 

IfoTB. — The Aprovacion is dated September 29, 1613, and the 
lAcencia January 11, 1614. 

En Brvsselas. Por Eoger Velpio, y Hvberto Antonio, 

Impressores de sus Altezas, al Aguila de oro, cerca de Palacio, ano de 

1614. Svo. Pp. 616. 

Note. — The Privilegio is dated May 10, 1614. 

Ano 1615. Con Licencia. En Pamplona, por Nicolas 

de Assiayn, Impressor del Eeyno de Nauarra. Svo. Ff. 391. 

En Milan. A costa de luan Baptista Bidelo Librero. 

M. DC. XV. 12mo. Pp. 763. 

Note. — The Dedication of the publisher is dated August 1, 1615. 

Venetia, 1616. 12mo. 

Lisboa, 1617. 4to. 

Pamplona, 1617. Svo. 

Madrid, 1617. Svo. 

Madrid, 1622. Svo, 

2 A 


Novelas I Exemplares | de Miguel de | Ceruantes Saauedra. ] 
Dirigido a Don Pedro Fernandez de ] Castro, Conde de Lemos, de 
Andrade, y de Villalva,' | Marqufes de Sarria, Gentilhombre de la 
Camara de su | Magestad, Virrey, G-ouernador, y Capitan General 
del I Eeyno de Wapoles, Comendador de la Enoomien | da de la Zarga 
de la Orden de | Alcantara. | Sevilla, 1624. 8vo. 

Brvsselas, 1625. 8vo. 

Sevilla, 1627. 8vo. 

Barcelona, 1631. 8vo. 

Salv4 believes in the existence of a Barcelona edition of (about) 
the year 1627 ; but he has not met with it. 

Sevilla, 1641. 8vo. 

Seuilla, 1648. 8vo. 

Madrid, 1655. Svo. 

Madrid, 1664. 4to. 

Sevilla, 1664. 4to. 

Zaragoza, 1665. 4to.' 

Madrid, 1722. 4to. 

Barcelona, 1722. 4to. 

Anadido un indice de Hbros de novelas, patranas, 

cuentos, hecho por un curioso. Madrid, 1732. 4to. 

2 tomos. Haya, 1739. 8vo. 

2 tomos. Amberes, 1743. 8vo. 

2 tomos. Valencia, 1769. Svo. 

Nueva impression corregida, etc. 2 tomos. Madrid, 

1783. 8vo. 

2 tomos. Valencia, 1783. 8vo. 

Madrid, 1794. 8vo. 

2 tomos. Valencia, 1797. Svo. 

3 tomos. Madrid, 1803. Svo. 

JSTueva impresion, corregida y adornada con laminas. 

2 tomos. Perpinan, 1816. 12mo. 

2 tomos. Madrid, 1821. 

2 tomos. Lyon, 1825. 12mo. 

3 tomos. Paris, 1826. 16mo. 

2 tomos. Madrid, 1829. 12mo. 

5 tomos. Barcelona, 1831-1832. 32mo. 

Note. — This includes La Tia finjida. 

Coblenz, 1832. 12mo. 

BIBLI00BAPH7. 353 

Novelas Ejemplares de Miguel de Cervantes Saavedra. Dirigido 
A Don Pedro Ferndndez de Castro, Conde de Lemos, de Andrade, y 
de Villalva, Marques de Sarria, Gentilliombre de la Camara de su 
Majestad, Virrey, Gobernador, y Capitdn General del Eeyno de 
FApoles, Comendador de la Encomienda de la Zarza de la Orden de 
Alcantara. 4 tomos. Barcelona, 1836. 8vo. 

Paris, 1844. 4to. 

2 tomos. Barcelona, 1842. 8vo. 

Madrid, 1842. 4to. 

Madrid, 1842. 4to. 

2 tomos. Barcelona, 1844. 8vo. 

Madrid, 1846. 8vo. 

Nueva edici6n, con cuatro novelas de Dona Maria Zayas. 

Paris, 1848. 8vo. 

2 tomos. M4Iaga, 1852. 8vo. 

■ 2 tomos. Toledo, 1853. 8vo. 

Madrid, 1854. 8vo. 

Barcelona, 1859. 8vo. 

Madrid, 1864. 4to. 

Madrid, 1866. 4to. 

Madrid, 1869. 8vo. 

Madrid, 1881. 16mo. 

Einconete y Cortadillo. Barcelona, 1831. 16mo. 

La Senora Cornelia y la fuerza de la sangre. Hit Kritiscben 
und Grammatischen Anmerkungen nebst einem Wdrterbuche von 
P. A. F. Possar. Leipzig, 1833. 8vo. 

El Amante liberal. La Senora Cornelia, El Casamiento enganoso. 
Barcelona, 1838. 16mo. 

Isabela, 6 la espanola inglesa : La Fuerza de la Sangre. Barcelona, 
1842. 32mo. 

La Fuerza de la Sangre (2 pts.). Madrid, 1842. 8vo. 

El Licenciado Vidriera. Madrid, 1843. 8vo. 

Einconete y Cortadillo. Edicidn ilustrada. Madrid, 1846. 8vo. 

Einconete y Cortadillo : El zeloso extremeno y Las dos donceUas. 
Madrid, 1873. 16mo. 

Tomo ix. of the Bihlioteca universal. 

Coloquio de los perros : La Senora Cornelia (pp. 9-103, Joyas de 
la literature espanola con articulos biogrificos y bibliogrdficos . . . 
por Fernando SoldeviUa). Paris, 1885. 8vo. 

2 A 2 


Laererige Fortaellinger overs, af C. D. Biehl. 2 vols. Kjobenhaun, 
1780-1781. 8vo. 

Vermaakelyke Minneryen. Delf, 1643. 

Amsterdam, 1653. 

Amsterdam, 1731. 

Amsterdam [1750 f]. 8vo. 


Exemplarie Novells; in sixe books. . . . FvU of variovs acci- 
dents both delightfvU and profitable. By Migvel de Cervantes 
Saavedra ; one of the prime Wits of Spaine, for his rare Fancies and 
wittie Inventions. Turned into English by Don Diego Pvede-Ser, 
[i.e. James Mabbe]. London, 1640. Fol. 

A collection of select novels, written originally in CastUlian by- 
Don Miguel Cervantes Saavedra. . . . Made English by Harry- 
Bridges, Esq. ; under the Protection of His Excellency, John, Lord 
Carteret, etc. Bristol, 1728. 8vo. 

Instructive and entertaining novels. . . . Translated from the 
Original Spanish. By Thomas Shelton. "With an account of the 
Work, by a Gentleman of the Inner Temple. London, 1742. 12mo. 

— . Dublin, 1747. 12mo. 

The Exemplary Novels of M. de Cervantes Saavedra ... so 
called because in each of them he proposed useful example to he- 
either imitated or avoided. 2 vols. London, 1822. 8vo. 

The Exemplary Novels of Miguel de Cervantes Saavedra : to 
which are added El Buscapie, or, The Serpent ; and La Tia Fingida, 
or. The Pretended Aunt. Translated from the Spanish by Walter 
K. Kelly. London, 1855. 8vo. 

■ London, 1881. 8vo. 

El Zeloso Estremeno : The Jealous Estremadurau; A Novel. 
Written by Miguel de Cervantes Saavedra, and done from the 
Spanish by J. Ozell. London [1710 1]. 8vo. 

A Select Collection of Novels and Histories. . . . Written by the 
most celebrated Authors in several Languages. 6 vols. London,, 
1722. 12mo. 

6 vols. London, 1729. 12mo. 


The Dedication is signed S. C. Vol. i. contains The Jealous 
JEstremaduran ; vol. ii., The Fair Maid of the Inn and The History 
of the Captive ; vol. iii., The Gurio2is Impertinent, The Prevalence of 
Blood, and The Liberal Lover ; vol. iv., The Rival Ladies ; vol. v., 
The Little Gypsy; vol. vi., The Spanish' Lady in England and The 
Lady Cornelia. 

A Dialogue between Scipio and Bergansa, Two Dogs belonging to 
the City of Toledo. ... To which is annexed, the Comical History of 
Rincon and Cortado. Both written by the Celebrated Author of Don 
Quixote; and now first Translated from the Spanish Original. 
London, 1767. 12mo. 

The Force of Blood, a Novel. Translated from the Spanish of 
M. de Cervantes Saavedra. London, 1800. 12mo. 

The Spanish Novelists. Translated from the Original with 
critical and biographical notices by Thomas Eoscoe. 3 vols. London, 
1832. 8vo. 

Vol. i. (pp. 242-360) contains Rinconete and Cortadillo, The 
Pretended Aunt, and El Aimante Liberal. 


Les novveles, ov sont contenues plusieurs rares advantures, et 
memorables examples d'amour. . . . Traduictes d'espagnol en frangois : 
les six premieres par F. de Eosset et les autres par le sr. d'Avdigvier. 
Avec I'Histoire de Euis Dias, etc. Paris, 1620. 8vo. 

Nouvelles de Miguel Cervantes. Traduction nouvelle [par 
Charles Cotolendi]. 2 vols. Paris, 1678. 12mo. 

Traduction nouvelle. Paris, 1705. 12mo. 

Nouvelles de Michel de Cervantes. Traduction nouvelle [par 

P. Hessein ?]. Amsterdam, 1705. 12mo. 

Reprinted (Amsterdam) 1709, (Paris) 1723, (Lausanne) 1759, 
and (Paris) 1777-1778. 

— ■ traduites par M'- I'Abbd Saint Martin de Chassonville]. 

2 vols. Lausanne, 1759. 12mo. 

. traduction nouvelle par Lefevre de Villebrune. 2 vols. 

Paris, 1775. 8vo. 

imit^s de Cervantes etc. par le citoyen C[oste d'Arnobat]. 

2 vols. Paris, An XL— 1802. 12mo. 

. [traduites par Claude-Bernard Petitot]. 4 vols. Paris, 

1809. 12mo. 


Nouvelles choisies de Cervantes ; par H. Bouchon-Duboumial. 
Paris, 1825. 32mo. 

Les nouvelles de Miguel Cervantes Saavedra, traduites et annot^es 
par Louis Viardot. 2 vols. Paris, 1836. 8vo. 

Eeprinted in 1838, 1841, 1844, and 1858 [omitting La Tia 
Fingida and substituting an adaptation of El lAcenciado Vidriera]. 

L'illustre servante. Liege, 1706. 12mo. 

Melanges de po^sie et litt^ratnre par J-P. Claris de Florian. 
Paris, 1787. 16mo. 

Note. — This contains a version of La Fuerza de la Sangre 
entitled Leocadie. 

L'illustre servante, nouvelle espagnole de Michel Cervantfe. 
Traduite par M, de Villebrune. Lausaunne et Paris, 1793. 18mo. 

Note. — The copy in the British Museum is believed to be unique. 

Costanza oh. l'illustre servante. Traduction de L. Viardot. Paris, 
1853. 16mo. 

La Boh^mienne de Madrid. Traduction de L. Viardot. Paris, 
1853. 16mo. 

Voyages h travers mes livres . . . par. M. Ch. Eomey. Paris, 
1862. 12mo. 

Note.- — Pp. 38-71 contain a translation of El Liceneiado Vidriera, 
■ysrhich the writer wrongly assumes to be the earliest in French. 

Rinconfete et Cortadillo, Nouvelle. Soixante-sept Compositions 
par H. Atalaya. Traduction et notes de Louis Viardot. Paris, 1891. 

Le Licencid Vidriera. Nouvelle traduite en franjais avec une 
preface et des notes par E. Foulch^-Delbosc. Paris, 1892. 8vo. 


Satyrische und lehrreiche Erzehlungen des Michel de Cervantes 
Saavedra, Verfasser der Geschicte des Don Quischotts ; nebst dem 
Leben dieses beriihmten Schriftstellers, wegen ihrer besondern 
Annehmlichkeiten in das Teutsche iibersetzt (von Conradi). 2 vols. 
Frankfurt und Leipzig, 1753. 8vo. 

Moralische Novellen . . . aus dem Original iibersetzt von F. 
Julius H. von Soden. Ansbach, 1779. 8vo. 

Kleinere Schriften (J. P. Florian). Zwickau, 1798. 8vo. 

This contains a version of La Fuerza de la Sangre. 

Lehrreiche Erzahlungen . . . iibersetzt von Dietrich Wilhelm 
Soltau. 3 vols. Konigsberg, 1800. 8vo. 


Spanische Novelle von Chr. Aug. Fischer. Berlin, 1801. 8vo. 
Lehrreiche Erzahlungen iibersetzt von Fr. S. Siebmann. Berlin, 
1810. 8vo. 

Geschichte der sohonen Theolinde, iibersetzt aus dem Spanischen 
von Dr. Adrian. Frankfurt, 1819. 8vo. 

Moralische Erzahlungen (Samnitliche Werke iibersetzt von L. G. 
Forster). Leipzig, 1825. 12mo. 

Lehrreiche Erzahlungen ("Werke iibersetzt von H. Miiller). 
Zwickau, 1825. 

Musternovellen iibersetzt von F. M. Duttenhoffer. (Eomane und 
Ifovellen). Pforzheim, 1840. 

Novellen iibersetzt von A. Keller und F. Notter (Samnitliche 
Komane und Novellen). Stuttgart, 1840. 

Musternovellen. Aus dem Spanischen neu in's Deutsche iiber- 
tragen mit Einleitungen und Erlauterungen von Keinhold Baum- 
stark. 2 vols. Regensburg, 1868. 8vo. 

Senora Cornelia. Novelle aus dem Spanischen . . . iibersetzt 
von Carl von Keinhardstottner. Leipzig, 1869. 12mo. 

Vol. cli. of the Unwersal-Bibliothek. , 

Preciosa, das Zigeunermadchen. Novelle aus dem Spanischen 
. . . iibersetzt von Fr. Horleck. Leipzig, 1874. 16mo. 


II NovelHere Castigliano di Michiel di Cervantes Saavedra . . . 
Tradotto dalla lingua Spagnuola nell' Italiana dal Sig. Gvgliehno 
Aleasandro de Nouilieri ClaveUi. Venetia, 1626. 8vo. 

Novelli Esemplari, etc., da Donato Fontana Milanese. Milano, 
1629. 8vo. 

Again reprinted in 1629. 

L'illustre sguattera : noveUa, la prima volta ridotta in lingua 
italiana per Ulderico Belloni. Pavia, 1879. 8vo. 

Preziosa; Cornelia: racconti. Milano, 1882. 16mo. 

II matrimonio per inganno e il CoUoquio dei cani : traduzione di 
G. A. Novilieri-Clavelli. Eoma, 1882. Svo. 

Eistoria nova, famosa, e exemplar da Hespanhola Ingleza. 
Traduzida da Lingua Hespanhola no nosso Idioma Portuguez, e dado 
4 luz por Bocache. Lisboa, 1805. 4to. 



La Gitanilla de Madrid por Miguel de Cervantes Saavedra. 
Spanskt original, Svensk bfversattning samt en inledande monografi 
ofver Cervantes. Akademisk Afhandling . . . af Victor Hjalmar 
Beronius. Upsala, 1875. 8vo. 


Viage I del Parnaso | compvesto por | Miguel de Ceruantes | 
Saauedra. | Dirigido a don Eodrigo de Tapia, | Cauallero del Habito 
de Santiago, | hijo del senor Pedro de Tapia Oy | dor de Consejo Real, 
y Consultor | del Santo Oficio de la Inqui | sicion Suprema. | Ano 
1614 I Con privilegio | En Madrid, | por la viuda de Alonso Martin. 
8vo. Ff. 80. 

The Licencias of Cetina and Joseph de Valdiuielso are dated 
September 16, 1614, and September 20, 1614, respectively. The 
Tassa is dated September 17, 1614; the Priuilegio, October 18, 
1614; and the Fee de Erratas, November 10, 1614. 

Milan, 1624. Svo. 

Madrid, 1736. 4to. 

Madrid, 1772. 4to. 

Madrid, 1784. 4to. 

. Madrid, 1865. Svo. 

Madrid, 1829. 12mo. 

Paris, 1841. [12mo.J 

Madrid, 1866. 4to. 


Cervantes reis naar den Parnassus overgeset door J. J. Putman. 
Amsterdam, 1872. Svo. 

Journey to Parnassus composed by Miguel de Cervantes Saavedra, 
translated into English tercets with preface and illustrative notes by 
James Y. Gibson. To which are subjoined the antique text and 
translation of the letter of Cervantes to Mateo Vazquez. London, 
1883. 8vo. 


Le Voyage au Parnasse. Traduit en frangais pour la premifere f ois 
avec une notice biographique, une table des auteurs cit^s dans le 
poeme et le facsimile d'un aiitographe inMit de Cervantes, par Joseph 
Miguel Guardia. Paris, 1864. 12mo. 


Ocho I Comedias, y ocho | entremeses nvevos, | nunca representa- 
dos. I Compuestas por Migvel | de Ceruantes Saauedra. | Dirigidas a 
Don Pedro Fer | nandez de Castro, Conde de Lemos, de Andrade, ] 
J de ViUalua, Marques de Sarria, Gentilhombre | de la Camara de su 
Magestad, Comendador de | la Encomienda de Penafiel, y la Zarga, 
de la Or | den de Alcantara, Virrey, Gouernador, y Capi | tan general 
■del Eeyno de Napoles, y Presi | dente del supremo Consejo | de 
Italia. Los titulos destas ocho comedias | y sus entremeses van en la 
■quarta hoja. | Ano 1615. | Con privilegio. | En Madrid, Por la viuda 
de Alonso Martin. | A costa de Ivan de ViUarroel, mercader de libros, 
vendense en su casa | a la plaguela del Angel. | 4to. Ef. 257.' 

The Aprouacion is dated July 3, 1615 ; the Priuilegio, July 25, 
1615; the Fe'de las Erratas, September 13, 1615; and the Tassa, 
September 22, 1615. 

An edition published at Madrid in 1617 is alleged to exist. 

Comedias y Entremeses . . . con una dissertacion, o prologo 
sobre las Comedias de Espafia. 2 tomos. Madrid, 1749. 4to. 

Madrid, 1784. 4to. 

Ocho entremeses. . . . Tercera impresion. Cadiz, 1816. 12mo. 

La liTumancia. Tragedia. Berlin, 1810. 16mo. 

El Teatro espanol. 4 tomos. Londres, 1817-1820. 8vo. 

Tomo i., pp. 197-292, contains La Nwmanda and El Trato de 


Tesoro del Teatro espanol . . . arreglado por Don Eugenio de 

Ochoa. Paris, 1838. 8vo. 

Tomo i. contains La Numancia, La Entretenida, La Guarda 
Cuidadosa, and Los dos Halladores. 

Teatro espanol. Coleccidn escogida . . . por D. C. Schiitz. 
Bielefeld, 1846. 8vo. 

Pp. 1-24 contain La Numancia. 


Las Entremeses de Miguel de Cervantes Saavedra. Madrid, 1868. 

Comedias y Entremeses de Miguel de Cervantes Saavedra. Nu- 
mancia, La Entretenida, El Juez de los divorcios, El Rufidn viudo 
llamado Trdmpagos, Eleccion de los Alcaldes de Daganzo, La Quarda 
Cuidadosa j El Vizcaino Fingido. Precedidas de una introduccion. 
Madrid, 1875. 4to. 

M'umantia : A Tragedy translated from tlie Spanish, with intro- 
duction and notes, by James Y. Gibson. London, 1885. 8vo. 


IN'umance, tragMie [by I. B. d'Esmenard]. Paris, 1823. 8vo. 

Vol. xvi., Chefs-d'oeuvres des Theatres Strangers. 

Tb^^tre de Michel Cervantfes. Traduit pour la premiere fois de 
I'Espagnol en Frangais par Alphonse Eoyer. Paris, 1862. Svo. 

Le Gardien Vigilant (La Guarda Guidadosa), intermede en un 
acte de Michel de Cervantes. Traduit sur les Editions de Madrid 
1615 et 1749, etde Paris 1826 par Am^d^e Pages. Paris, 1888. 8vo. 


Numancia, Trauerspiel. Aus dem spanischen iibersetzt von F. 
de la Motte Fouqu6. Berlin, 1810. •12mo. 

Numancia, Trauerspiel. (Ubersetzt von L. G. Forster). Leipsig, 
1826. 12mo. 

This forms part of the SammtUche WerJce. 

Numancia, Trauerspiel. Aus dem spanischen von R. 0. Spazier 
Zwickau, 1829. 16mo. 

Vol. ccxliv. of the TaschenbibliotheJc der ausldndigcher Klassiker. 

Spanisches Theater. Herausgegeben von A. W. von Schlegel. 

Theater der Spanier und Portugiesen von F. J. Bertuch. Dessau 
und Leipzig, 1782. 

Magazin der Spanischen und Portugiesischen Literatur; heraus- 
gegeben von Friedrich Justin Bertuch. 3 vols. Weimar, 1780. 
Dessau und Leipzig, 1783. 8vo. 

Vol. i. pp. 215-240 J vol. iii. pp. 131-168. 

Der Aufpasser. Ein Zwischenspiel aus dem spanischen des Cer- 
vantes von Siebmann. (Pantheon. Eine Zeitschrift fur Wissen- 


schaff und Kunst herausgegeben von J. G. Busching und K. L. 
Kannegiesser. 3 vols. Leipsig, 1810, 8vo.) 

Vol. ii. pp. 2S ei seq. 

La Guarda Guidadosa. Die wachsame Sohildwach. (Vol. ii. 
pp. 287-315, 328, Spanische Dramen iibersetzt von C. A. Dorhn. 
Berlin, 1841. 8vo.) 

Zwischenspiele von Cervantes (Spanisches Theater. Heraus- 
gegeben von Adolph Friedrich von Schack). 2 vols. Frankfurt-am- 
Main, 1845. 8vo. 

Cervantes Neun Zwischenspiele iibersetzt von H. Kurz. Hild- 
burghausen, 1868. 8vo. 

Vol. Ixxi., Bihliofliek auslandischer Klassiker. 


Los Trabaios | de Persiles, y | Sigismvnda, Histo ] ria Setentrional. ] 
For Migvel de Cervantes | Saauedra. | Dirigido a Don Pedro Fer- 
nandez de I Castro Conde de Lemos, de Andrade, de Villalna, 
Marques de | Sarria, Gentilhombre de la Camara de su Magestad, 
Presiden | te del Consejo supremo de Italia, Comendador de la 
Encomienda de la | Zarga, de la Orden | de Alcantara. Ano 1617. 
Con priuilegio. En Madrid. Por luan de la Cuesta. A costa de 
luan de Villaroel mercader de libros en la Plateria. Ff. 226. 

The Aprouacion is dated September 9, 1616; the Priuilegio, 
September 24, 1616 ; the Fee de Erratas, December 15, 1616 ; and the 
Tassa, December 23, 1616. Cervantes' dedicatory letter is dated 
April 19, 1616. 

Pamplona, 1617. 8vo. 

Paris, 1617. 8vo. 

Barcelona, 1617. 8vo. 

Valencia, 1617. 8vo. 

Lisboa, 1617. 4to. 

. • Brucelas, 1618. Bvo. 

Madrid, 1619. 8vo. 

■ Pamplona, 1629. Svo. 

Historia de los trabajos, etc. Barcelona, 1734. 4to. 

Barcelona, 1760. 4to. 

. Barcelona, 1768. 4to. 

Trabajos de, etc. 2 tomos. Madrid, 1781. Svo. 


Trabajos de, etc. 2 tomos. Madrid, 1799. 12mo. 

2 tomos. Madrid, 1802. 8vo. • 

2 tomos. Madrid, 1805. 8vo. 

4 tomos. Barcelona, 1833. 32mo. 

Paris, 1841. 8vo. 

Tomo xxvi., Goleccion de los mejores autores espanoles. 

Barcelona, 1859. 8vo. 

Madrid, 1880. 16mo. 


The Travels of Persiles and Sigismvnda. A Northern History. 
Wherein, amongst the variable Fortunes of the Prince of Thule, and 
this Princesse of Frisland, are interlaced many Witty Discourses, 
Morall, Politicall, and Delightfull. The first Copie, bseing written in 
Spanish; translated afterwards into French; and noio, last, into 
English. London, 1619. 4to. 

Note. — The Epistle Dedicatory to Philip, Lord Stanhope, Baron 
of Shelford, is signed M. L. 

The Wanderings of Persiles and Sigismunda ; a Northern Story. 
[Translated by L. D. S., i.e. Louisa Dorothea Stanley.] London, 
1854. 8vo. 


Les Travavx de Persiles et de Sigismonde, histoire septentrionale 
. . . traduicte en nostre langue par Franjois de Eosset. Paris, 1618. 

Persile et Sigismonde, histoire septentrionale, tir^e de I'Espagnol 
. . . par Madame L. G. D. K. [i.e. Le Givre de Eichebourg], 4 vols. 
Paris, 1738. 8vo. 

Nouvelle Edition . . . avec quelques remarques du 

traducteur, par le sieur D. S. L. (i.e. Pierre Daud^). 6 vols. 
Amsterdam, 1740. 12mo. 

par H. Bouchon-Dubournial (CEuvres completes de 

Cervantes). Paris, 1820. 

Persilus und Sigismunda. Nordische Historic von dem be- 
riihmten Verfasser des Don Quixote Michael de Cervantes in 


spanischer Sprache geschrieben, in's Deutsche iibersetzt. Ludwigs- 
burg, 1746. 8vo. 

Abentheuer des Persiles und der Sigismunda . . . ziim ersten 
Male aus dem Spaniscben Originals verdeutscbt durcb Er. J. H. von 
Soden. 4 vols. Ansbach, 1782. 8vo. 

Leiden zweier edlen Lieben nach dem Spaniscben des Cervantes 
. . . von Th. Fr. Butensohon. Heidelberg, 1789. 8vo. 

Die Drangsale des Persiles und der Sigismunda. Aus dem 
Spaniscben von Franz Theremin. Erster Tbeil. Berlin, 1808. 8vo. 

Irrfahrten des Persiles und der Sigismunda iibersetzt von L. G. 
Forster. Quedlinburg und Leipzig, 1825. 8vo. 

This forms part of the Sdmmtliclie Werke. 

iibersetzt von J. F. MuUer. 

This is included in the Werhe von Cervantes. 

Die Leiden des Persiles und der Sigismunda. Aus dem Spaniscben 
iibersetzt von Dorothea Tieck. Mit einer Einleitung von Ludwig 
Tieck. 2 vols. Leipzig, 1837. 8vo. 

Die Priifungen des Persiles und der Sigismunda iibersetzt von 
Cervantes siimmtliche Eomane und" Novellen. Aus dem Spaniscben 
von A. KeUer und Friedrich Notter. Stuttgart, 1839-1842. 16mo. 


Istoria Settentrionale de trauagli di Persile, e Sigismonda . . . 
di nvovo dalla lingva castigliana nella nostra Italiana tradotta, dal 
Signor Francesco Ellio (Milanese). Venetia, 1626. 8vo. 


La Tia fingida, novella in^dita. Mit Vorbericht von C. Franceson 
und F. J. Wolf. Berlin, 1818. 8vo. 

Die betriigliche Tante^ Stuttgart, 1836. 8vo. 

Die vorgebliche Tante iibersetzt von Billow. Leipzig, 1836. 8vo. 

El Buscapi^. Opiisculo in^dito que en defensa de la primera 
parte del Quijote escribid Miguel de Cervantes Saavedra. Publicado 
con notas histdricas, criticas i bibliogrdficas por D. Adolfo de Castro. 
Cadiz, 1848. 8vo. 

Comedia de la Soberana Virgen de Guadalupe, y sus milagros, 


J grandezas de Espana [with a preface by D. Jos^ Maria Asensio y 
Toledo]. Sevilla, 1868. 8vo. 

Issued by the Sociedad de los hibliojilos andaluces. 

El Buscapie . . . With the illustrative notes of A. de Castro. 
Translated from the Spanish. With a life of the author and some 
account of his works by Thomasina Koss. London, 1849. 12mo. 

The " Squib " or Searchfoot, an unedited little work which M. de 
Cervantes Saavedra wrote in defence of the first part of the Quijote. 
Published by Adolfo de Castro, 1847. Translated by a member of 
the University of Cambridge. Cambridge, 1849. 16mo. 

The Troublesome and Hard Adventures in Love. Lively setting 
forth The Eeavers, the Dangers and the Jealousies of Lovers. A Work 
very Delightful and Acceptable to all. Written in Spanish by that 
Excellent and Famous Gentleman, Michael Cervantes; and exactly 
Translated into English, by E. C[odrington?], Gent. London, 1652. 

Note. — The translator in the Epistle Dedicatory states that "the 
author was by birth a Spaniard, the same Gentleman that composed 
Guzman de Alfarache, and the seoond part of Don Quixot." There 
is, of course, no authority for identifying Mateo Alem4n with 

The diverting works of the famous Miguel de Cervantes, Author 
of the History of Don Quixot. Now first translated from the 
Spanish. With an introduction by the Author of The London Spy 
[i.e. E. Ward]. London, 1709. 8vo. 

E'oTB. — This publication has not the remotest connexion with 
Cervantes. The originals may be found in the Para Todos of Juan 
P^rez de Montalvan (Alcal4, 1661. 4to). The first story is a trans- 
lation of Al caho de los anos mil; the last is a free rendering of 
El Piadoso Bandolero. 


Segvndo | tomo del | ingenioso hidalgo | Don Qvixote de la 
Mancha, | que contiene su tercera salida : y es la | quinta parte des 
sus auenturas. Compuesto por el Licenciado Alonso Fernandez de | 


Auellaneda, natural de la Villa de Tordesillas. ] Al Alcalde, Eegidores, 
y hidalgos, de la noble ] Villa de Argamesilla, patria feliz del 
hidal I go Cauallero Don Quixote ] de la Mancha. Con Licencia, En 
Tarragona en casa de Felipe | Roberto, Ano 1614. 

The aprohacion of Doctor Eafael Timoneda is dated April 18, 
1614; the licencia of Doctor Francisco de Torme y Liori is dated 
July 4, 1614. 

Vida y Hechos del ingenioso hidalgo, etc. Nuevamente anadido 
por Isidoro Perales y Torres. 3 tomos. Madrid, 1732. 4to. 

Nueva edicion. 2 tomos. Madrid, 1805. 8vo. 

Madrid, 1851. 8vo. 

Tomo xvii., Rivadeneyra's Biblioteca de autores espanoles. 


Meuwe Avantuuren van Don Quichot, door Avellaneda. Amster- 
dam, 1718. 8vo. 



A Continuation of the Comical History of the most ingenious 
Knight, Don Quixote de la Mancha. By the Licentiate Alonzo 
Fernandez de Avellaneda. Being a third volume; never before printed 
in Eiiglish. Translated by Captain John Stevens. London, 1705. 

The History of the Life and Adventures of the famous Knight 
Don Quixote de la Mancha and his Humourous Squire Sancho Panca 
[mc]. Now first translated from the original Spanish. With a pre- 
face, giving an Account of the Work. By Mr. Baker. 2 vols. London, 
1745. 12mo. 

A Continuation of the History and Adventures of Don Quixote 
de la Mancha. Written originally in Spanish, by the Licentiate 
Alonso Fernandez de Avellaneda. Translated into English by William 
Augustus Tardley, Esq. 2 vols. London, 1784. 8vo. 

The Life and Exploits of the ingenious Gentleman Don Quixote, 
de la Mancha ; containing his fourth sally, and the fifth part of his 
adventures : Written by the Licentiate Alonso Fernandez de Avelle- 
neda, Native of the Town of Tordesillas. With illustrations and 
corrections by the Licentiate Don Isidoro Perales y Torres. And now 
first Translated from the Spanish. Swaffham, 1805. 8vo. 




Nouvelles Avantures de Tadmirable Don Quichotte de la Manche, 
compos^es par le Licenci^ Alonso Fernandez de Avellaneda, Et 
traduites de TEspagnol en Franjois, pour la premiere fois. 2 vols. 
Paris, 1704. 8vo. 

Note. — This adaptation is, as every one knows, by Alain Een6 
Le Sage. 

Le Don Quictotte de Fernandez Avellaneda. , Traduit de I'Espagnol 
et annotd par A. Germond de Lavigne. Paris, 1853. 8vo. 


Kbal Acadbmia Sevillana de B,0BNas Leteas. — Certamen 
portico para conmemorar el aniversario CCLVII de la muerte de 
Cervantes. • Sevilla, 1873. 8vo. 

Conmemoraci^n del aniversario CCLXI de la muerte de Cervantes 
en el dia 23 de Abril de 1877. Sevilla, 1877. 

Agtiilar, Pedeo de. — Memorias del Cautivo en la Goleta de 
Tiinez el Alferez, Pedro de Aguilar. Madrid, 1875. 

Note. — Published by the Sociedad de hiblidfilos espanoUs. 

El Aleides de la Mancha, el famoso Don Quixote. De un ingenio 
de esta corte. Comedia. Madrid, 1750. 4to. 

Almae, Geoege. — Don Quixote j or the Knight of the woeful 
Countenance. A Musical Drama in two acts. London [1833?]. 

Note. — Vol. xiv. of John Cumberland's Minor Theatre. 

Aniversario de Cervantes. Fiesta literaria- verificada en el 
Institute de Cadiz para conmemorar la muerte del prlneipe de nuestros 
ingenios. Cadiz, 1875. 

Aniversario CCLX de la muerte de Miguel de Cervantes Saavedra. 
Album literario dedicado a la memoria del rey de los ingenios es- 
panoles : publicalo la redaooi6n de la Eevista Literaria Cervantes. 
Madrid, 1875. 8vo. 

Aniversario CCLXII de la muerte de Miguel de Cervantes Saavedra 
Libro compuesto para honrar la memoria del prfncipe de los ingenios 
espaiioles por sus admiradores de Cliile. Santiago de Chile, 1878. 8vo. 


Antbquera, Eam6n. — Juicio analftioo del Quijote escrito en 
Argamasilla de Alba. Madrid, 1863. 8vo. 

Anzaebna, Christobal. — Vida y empressas literarias del ingenio- 
sissimo caballeio Don Quixote de la Manchuela. Parte primera. 
SeviUa [1767?]. Svo. 

Aparici6n nocturna de Miguel de Cervantes a D. Termin Caballero 
per el Corresponsal de los Muertos. Madrid, 1841. Svo. 

ABBOLf, Servando. — Oraci6n fiinebre que por encargo de la Eeal 
Academia Espaflola y en las honras de Miguel de Cervantes y demds 
ingenios espanoles pronunci6 en la iglesia de monjas trinitarias de 
Madrid el dia 24 de Abril de 1876, Servando Arboll Madrid, 1876. 

Armas t Cardenas. — El Quijote de Avellaneda, sus criticos. La 
Habana, 1884. Svo. 

Armengol, a. C. — El Quijote en Boston. Madrid, 1874. Svo. 

Arnesen-Kall, Bbnbdicte. — Studie af : Den spanske Trilogi 
[Miguel de Cervantes, Lope de "Vega, Calderon]. Kjobenbavn, 1884. 

Arbieta, AsTJSTfN GAEofA. — El EspMtu de Miguel de Cervantes 
y Saavedra 6 la filosoffa de este grande ingenio, presentado en mdximas, 
etc. Va anadida al fin de el una novela c6mica intitulada La Tia 
Fingida; obra p6stuma del mismo. Madrid, 1814. Svo. 

AsENSio T Toledo, Jos^ MARfA. — El Compds de Sevillas. Re- 
cuerdos de Cervantes. Seville, 1870. Svo. 

Cervantes inventor. Madrid, 1874. Svo. 

: — Cervantes y sus obras. Cartas literarias d varios amigos. 

SeviUa, 1S70. Svo. 

El Conde de Lemos, Protector de Cervantes. Estudio 

Mstdrico, etc. Madrid, 1880. Svo. 

Nuevos documentos para ilustrar la vida de Miguel de 

Cervantes Saavedra, con algunas observaciones. Madrid y Sevilla, 
1S64. 4to. 

Les Auteurs espagnoles expliqu^s d'aprfes une m^thode nouvelle 
par deux traductions frangaises . . . avec des sommaires et des notes. 
... El cautivo, histoire extraite de Don Quichotte. Paris, 1864. 


" Cet ouvrage a et^ expliqu^ litt^ralement, annot^ et revu pour la 
traduction franjaise par M. J. Merson." 

Les principales Avantures de I'admirable Don Quichotte repre- 

2 B 


sent^es en figures par Coypel, Picart le Eomain, et autres habiles 
maitres : avec les explications des XXXI Planches de cette magni- 
fique collection, tirees de I'original espagnol de Michel de Cervantes 
Saavedra. La Haie, 1746. 4to. 

The principal Adventures of Don Quixote engraved after designs 
by A. Coypel. London, 1775. Ob. 4to. 

Eaeetti, Joseph. — Tolondron. Speeches to John Bowie about 
his edition of Don Quixote ; together with some account of Spanish 
Literature. London, 1786. 8vo. 

Baumstaek, Eeinhold. — Cervantes. Ein spanisches Lebensbild. 
Freiburg im Breisgau, 1875. 8vo. 

Bbnavides t Navaerete, Francisco de Paula (Bishop of Sigiienza 
and, afterwards. Cardinal Archbishop of Zaragoza). — Oracidn fiinebre 
que por encargo de la Eeal Academia Espanola y en las honras de 
Miguel de Cervantes y demas ingenios espanoles, pronuncid en la 
iglesia de monjas trinitarias de Madrid, el dia 23 de Abril de 1863, 
Francisco de Paula Benavides y Navarrete. Madrid, 1863. Svo. 

Bbnekb, Juan Basilico Vilelmo. — Colleccion [sic] de vocablos, 
y frases dif&ciles [sic], que occurren en la fabula del ingenioso hidalgo 
Don Quixote de la Mancha, en orden alfab^tico puestos para servir de 
notas y explicaciones. Leipsique, 1808. 16nio. 

Bbvilacqua, Matted di. See Meli. 

BiEDEEMANN, F. B. Feanz. — Don Quichotte et la tache de ses 
traducteurs. Observations sur la traduction de M. Viardot, etc. 
Paris et Leipsic, 1837. Svo. 

BouTEEWEK, Feiedeich. — Gcschichte der Kiinste und Wissen- 
schaften. 12 vols. Gottingen, 1801-1819. Svo. 

Note.— VoL iii. pp. 328-361. 

Beadfoed, Caelos F. — fndice de las notas de D. Diego Cle- 
TaendD. en su edicidn de el ingenioso hidalgo Don Quijote de la 
Mancha. Madrid, 18S5. Svo. 

Beagqe, William. — Brief Hand list of the Cervantes Collection 
presented to the Birmingham Free Library. Birmingham [1874?]. 

Bbandes, Geoeg. — ^sthetiske Studier. Kjobenhavn, 1868. Svo. 

(To Kapitler af det Komiskes Theorie.) 

1. Om Modsigelsen i det Komiske. 

2. Om Lystfolelsen vid det Komiske. Pp. 71-143. 

BuEEE, TJliok Ealph. — Sancho Panza's Proverbs and others 


■which occur in Don Quixote ; with a literal English Translation, 
JSTotes, and an Introduction. London, 1872. 8vo. 

Note. — Only thirty-six copies were privately printed. A second 
enlarged edition was published in 1892. 

Spanish Salt, a collection of all the proverbs which 

are to be found in Don Quixote. London, 1877, 8vo. 

This is an abbreviated form of the preceding work. 

Caballeeo, Permin. — Pericia geogrdfica de Miguel de Cervantes 
demostrada con la historia de D. Quijote de la Mancha. Madrid, 
1840. 12mo. 

Caldbr6n, Juan. — Cervantes vindicado en ciento y quince 
pasajes de texto del ingenioso hidalgo D. Quijote de la Mancha. 
Madrid, 1854. 8vo. 

Carnot, Lazarb Nicolas Marguerite. — Don Quichotte, Po^me 
heroi-eomique en six chants. Paris, 1821. 16mo. 

pr^c^d^ d'une 6tude littdraire et historique par Georges 

Barral. Paris, 1891. 8ino. 

Garrillo de AiiBORNOZ, Maximino. — Eomancero de el ingenioso 
hidalgo Don Quixote de la Mancha, sacado de la obra inmortal de 
Miguel de Cervantes Saavedra por su admirador entusiasta Maximino 
Carillo de Albornoz. 2 tomos. Madrid, 1890. 8vo. 

Carta escrita por Don Quijote de la Mancha i un pariente suyo, 
en que le hace saber varias cosas neeesarias para la perfecta inteli- 
gencia de su historia : ddla al publico un paisano y apasionado de 
ambos. Madrid, 1790. 8vo. 

Casenave, JosjS MARfA. — El Ayer y el hoy de Miguel de 
Cervantes Saavedra. Discurso pronunciado el 23 de Abril de 1877 en 
la casa de Cervantes en Valladolid. Valladolid, 1877. 8vo. 

Castro, Fbderioo de. — Cervantes y la filosoffa espajaola. Sevilla, 
1870. 4to. 

Cat41ogo de varias obras y folletos referentes & Miguel de Cervantes 
Saavedra que ha logrado reunir la constancia de un Cervantista. 
Sevilla, 1872. 4to. 

Cervantes as a novelist; from a selection of the episodes and 
incidents of the popular romance of Don Quixote. In two parts. 
London, 1822. 8vo. 

Chasles, Emilb. — Cervantes, sa vie, son temps, ses ceuvres. Paris, 
1867. 8vo. 

CliBMENofN, DiBGO. — See Bradford. 

2 B 2 


CoLBRiDaB, Samuel Tayloe. — Notes and lectures upon Shake- 
speare and some of the old poets and dramatists ; with other literary 
remains. 2 vols. London, 1849. 8vo. ^ 

Note. — Vol. ii. pp. 56-73. 

Coll y VsHf, Josii. — Los refranes del Quijote ordenados por 
materias y glosados. Barcelona, 1874. 8vo. 

The Comutor of Seventy-five. Written originally, in Spanish, by 
the Author of Don Quixot, and translated into English by a Graduate 
of the College of Mecca in Arabia. London, 1748. 8vo. 

Delqado, Jacinto MAEfA. — Adiciones i la historia del ingenioso 
hidalgo Don Quixote de la Mancha, en que se prosiguen los sucesos 
ocurridos a su escudero el famoso Sancho Panza, escritas en aribigo 
por Cide-Hamete Benengeli, y traducidas al castellano con las memorias 
de la vida de este por Don Jacinto Marfa Delgado. Madrid [1770 ?]. 

DfAZ DE Benjumba, Nioolas. — La Estefeta de Urganda, etc. 
Londres, 1861. 8vo. 

El Correo de Alquife 6 segundo aviso de Cid Asam-Ouzad 

Benenjeli sobre el desencanto del Quijote. Barcelona, 1866. 8vo. 

El mensaje de MerHn 6 tercer aviso de Cid Ouzad 

Benengeli sobre el desencanto del Quijote. Londres, 1875. 8vo. 

La verdad sobre el Quijote. Madrid, 1878. 8vo. 

DiBTjLAFOY, Michel. — Le Portrait de Michel Cervantfes, Com^die 

en trois actes, et en prose. Eepresent^e pour la premifere fois le 
21 Eructidor, An X, sur le ThdHtre Louvois. Paris, An XL 8vo. 

Dom, Quixote de la Mancha. Com^die. Paris, 1640. 4to. 

Dom Quichot de la Mancha. Com^die. Seconde partie. Paris, 
1640. 4to. 

Note. — The Priuilege du Roy for both parts is dated May 28, 
1639. The first part was printed October 25, 1639 ; the second part 
was printed July 15, 1640. 

Don Kikhot. Balet v. 5 dyeistviyakh. St. Petersburg, 1875. 8vo. 

DoEBE, Edmund. — Cervantes und seine "Werke nach deutschen 
Wirtheilen. Mit einem Anhange : Die Cervantes Bibliographic. 
Leipzig, 1881. 8vo. 

Deoap, M. — Epfetolas Droapianas. Siete cartas sobre Cervantes 
y el Quixote dirigidas al muy honorable Doctor E. W. Thebussenn. 
Publicalas con notas y ap^ndices Mariano Pardo de Eigueroa. Cddiz, 
1868. 8vo. 


Deoap, M. — Droapiana del afio 1869. Octava carta sobre Cervantes 
y el Quijote . . . publicado por Mariano Pardo de Figueroa. Cddiz, 
1869. 8vo. 

DuFFiELD, Alexander James. — Don Quixote, his Critics and 
Commentators with a brief account of the minor works of Miguel de 
Cervantes Saavedra, and a statement of the aim and end of the 
greatest of them all. London, 1881. 8vo. 

DuNLOP, John Colin. — History of Prose Fiction. 2 vols. 
London, 1888. Svo. 

NoTB.— Vol. ii. pp. 313-323. 

D'Urfby, Thomas. — The Comical History of Don Quixote. 
Parts L and II. London, 1694. 4to. 

Part IIL London, 1696. 4to. 

E. T. [i.e. Valentin Fohonda]. — Observaciones sobre algunos 
puntos de la obra de Don Quixote. [Londres, 1807.] Svo. 

Emmbrt, J. H. — Las Donquixotadas mas extranas. Oder die 
abentheuerliche Rittenthaten des den Quixote von la Mancha, etc. 
Tiibingen, 1826. 8vo. 

EspiNo, Eomualdo Alvarez. — Misceldnea literaria. Burgos, 
1886. 8vo. 

Note.— Pp. 189-205, 207-227. 

El espiritu de Miguel de Cervantes y Saavedra, 6 la filosofia de 
este grande ingenio presentada en mdximas, reflexiones, moralidades y 
agudezas sacadas de sus obras, y distribuidas por orden alfabetico de 
materias, etc. Madrid, 1814. Svo. 

Nueva edieidn. Madrid, 1885. 12mo. 

ExiMENO, Antonio. — Apologia de Miguel de Cervantes sobre 
los yerros que se le han notado en El Quixote. Madrid, 1806. 

Fernandez, CesAreo. — Cervantes marino. Madrid, 1869. 4to. 

FeenIndez, Catetano. — Oraeidn fiinebre que, por encargo de la 
Real Academia Espanola y en las honras de Miguel de Cervantes y 
demas ingenios espanoles pronuncid en la iglesia de monjas trinitarias 
de Madrid, el 29 de Abril de 1867, el Padre Don Cayetano Fer- 
nandez. Madrid, 1867. Svo. 

Fernandez y Aguilera, M14ndbl de. — Cervantes viajero con un 
prilogo del Excmo. Senor Don Cayetano Resell y un mapa con las 
Tiajes de Cervantes formado por Don Martin Ferreiro. Madrid, 
1880. Svo. 


Flogel, C. F. — Geschichte der komischen Literatm. 4 vols. 
Liegnitz und Leipzig, 1784-1786. 8to. 

Vol. i. pp. 307 et seqq. ; vol. iii. pp. 280-296; vol. iv. 
pp. 165-169. 


Fbuilleebt, H. — Le Captif, ou Aventures de Michel Cervantes. 
Paris, 1859. 8vo. 

GrALLAEDO Y VicTOE, Manubl. — See Muley Eovicdagor, Kallat. 

G-AMBEO, Antonio MaetIn. — Eecuerdos de Toledo, sacados de las 
obras de Cervantes. Toledo, 1869. 8vo. 

Jurispericia de Cervantes. Toledo, 1870. Svo. 

Gayton, Edmund, — Pleasant Notes upon Don Quixote. London, 

1654. Fol. 

Festivous Notes on the History and Adventures of the 

Eenowned Don Quixote. Revised, with corrections, etc. London, 
1768. 12mo. 

Gibson, Jambs Young. — The Cid Ballads and other Poems and 
translations from Spanish and German. . . . Edited by Margaret D. 
Gibson. With memoir by Agnes Smith. 2 vols. London, 1887. 

Note. — The poetry of Bon Quixote occupies pp. 165-215 of the 
second volume. 

Giles, Heney. — Illustrations of Genius. Boston, 1854. Svo. 

Note.— Pp. 7-65. 

Gonzalez, M. F. — El Manco de Lepanto. Madrid, 1874. Svo. 

Le Gouvernement de Sancho Pansa. Com^die. Paris, 1642. 4to. 

Note. — The Priuilege du Roy is dated May 3rd, 1641. 

Geavbs, Eiohabd. — The Spiritual Quixote : or the Summer's 
Eamble of Mr. Geoffry Wildgoose. A Comic Eomance. 3 vols. 
London, 1773. 12mo. 

2 vols. Dublin, 1774. 12mo. 

Hagbeeg, Chaelbs Auguste. — Cervantes et Walter Scott, parallele 
litteraire soumis k la discussion publique I'avant midi du Novembre, 
1838. Lund, 1838. Svo. 

Hay, John. — Castilian Days. Boston, 1871. Svo. 

Note.— Pp. 282-312. 

Heine, Heinrich. — Nachricht iiber das Leben und die Schriftes 
des Verfassers. Stuttgart, 1837. Svo. 

Note. — Pp. i-xliv. 


HbrnAndkz Morbjon, Antonio. — Historia bibliogrAfica de la 
medioina espafiola, obra p6stuma. 7 tomos. Madrid, 1842-1852. 4to. 

Note.— Tomo ii., published ia 1843, pp. 166-180, contains the 
Bellezas de Medecina prdcUca descuhiertas en la ohra de Cervantes. 

Etude medico - psychologique sur rhistoire de Don 

Quichotte. Traduite et annot^e par le Docteur Joseph Miguel 
Guardia. Paris, 1858. 8vo. 

Historia del mas famoso escudero Sancho Fanza, desde la gloriosa 
muerte de Don Quixote de la Mancha hasta el liltimo dia y postrera 
hora de su vida. 2 pts. Madrid, 1793-1798. 8vo. 

Hugo, Victoh. — "WilUam Shakespeare. Paris, 1864. 8vo. 

Note.— Pp. 101-105. 

Igabtuburu, Luf s de. — Diccionario de tropos y figuras de ret6rica, 
con ejemplos de Cervantes. Madrid, 1842. 8vo. 

Inglis, Henry David. — Eambles in the footsteps of Don Quixote. 
London, 1837. 8vo. 

Instrucciones econ(}micas y politicas dadas por el famoso Sancho 
Panza, Gobernador de la insula Barataria d un hijo suyo. Madrid, 
1791. 8vo. 

JiidiNBZ, Fbancisco de Paula, Bishop of Teruel. — Oraoi6n fiinebre 
que por encargo de la Eeal Academia, y en las honras de Miguel de 
Cervantes y demds ingenios espanoles, pronuncid en la iglesia de 
monjas trinitarias de Madrid, el dia 23 de Abril de 1864, Francisco de 
Paula Jimenez, etc. Madrid, 1864. 8vo. 

Kabelin, V. — Don-Kikhotizm i Demonizm . . . Po poroda Don 
Kikhota Servantesa. St. Petersburg, 1866. 8vo. 

King, Alice. — A cluster of lives. London, 1874. 8vo. 

Note.— Pp. 58-82. 

Klingbmann, August. — -Don Quixote und Sancho Panza, oder die 
Hochzeit des Camacho. Dram. Spiel, mit Gesang, Leipzig, 1815. 8vo. 

Langford, John Alfred. — Prison books and their authors. 
London, 1861. 

NoTB.— Pp. 58-82. 

Latoub, Antoine de. — Etudes sur I'Espagne. 2 vols. Paris, 
1855. 8vo. 

Note.— Vol. i. pp. 252-291. 

Espagne : traditions, mceurs et litt6rature. Paris, 1869. 


Note.— Pp. 246-292. 


Latoue, Antoine db. — L'Espagne contemporaine. Paris, 1864. 

Note.— Pp. 340-369. 

Valence et Valladolid. Paris, 1877. Svo. 

Note.— Pp. 68-118, 175-212. 

Lbmoee, Ludwig. — Handbiich der Spanischen Litteratur. 3 vols. 
Leipzig, 1855-1856. 

Note.— Vol. i. pp. 371-392 ; vol. ii. pp, 112-115. 

LocKHAET, John Gibson. — Life of Cervantes. Edinburgh, 1822. 

Note. — Prefixed to an edition of Motteux' version. Pp. 

LOtjveau, E. — De la manie dans Cervantes. Th^se prdsent^e et 
publiquement soutenue h, la Faculty de m^decine de Montpellier le 
9 Juin, 1876. Montpellier, 1876. 4to. 

Lowell, James Eussell. — Democracy and other Addresses. 
London, 1887. Svo. 

Note.— Pp. 159-186. 

Mainez, Ram6n Le6n. — Cartas literarias por el bachUler 
Cervdntico. Cadiz, 1868. Svo. 

Vida de Miguel de Cervantes Saavedra. Cddiz, 1876. Svo. 

Manual alfabdtico de Quijote 6 colecci6n de pensamientos de 

Cervantes en su inmortal obra, ordenados con algunas notas por 
Don Mariano de E[ementeria y Pica ?]. Madrid, 1838. Svo. 

Mayans t Sisoab, Gregorio. — Vida de Miguel de Cervantes 
Saavedra. Briga Eeal, 1737. Svo. 

Vida de Miguel de Cervantes Saavedra. Londres, 

1738. 4to. 

Note. — This life is prefixed to the edition of Don Quixote pre- 
pared at the request of Lord Carteret, pp. 1-103. 

Vida de Miguel de Cervantes Saavedra. Quinta im- 

presi6n. Madrid, 1750. Svo. 

Mbli, Giovanni. Poesie Siciliane. 4 vols. Palermo, 1787. Svo. 
Note. — Vols. iii. and iv. contain Bon GMsrdotti e Sancio Panza. 
Poema, xii. Cantos. > 

Don Chisciotte e Sancio Panza nella Scizia. Poema 

originale in dialetto siciliano del celebre Giovanni Meli, tradotto 
in lingua italiana del Cavaliere Matteo di Bevilacqua. 2 vols. Vienna, 
1818. 4to. 


Mbrim]^e, Prospbe.— Melanges historiques et litt6raires. Paris, 
1855. 8vo. 

Note.— Pp. 239-263. 

MiCHAELis, Cabl Theodor. — Lessings Minna von Barnhelm 
und Cervantes Don Quijote. Berlin, 1883. 8vo. 

MoJA Y Bolivar, Fedbeioo.— Alegorias, etc. Madrid, 1868. 8vo. 

MoLiNs, Marqu^is db. — Sepultura de Miguel de Cervantes. Me- 
moria escrita per eucargo de la Aoademia espanola, Madrid, 1870. 8vo. 

MoNNiBR, Maeo. — Histoire g6n6rale de la litt^ratnre moderne. 
2 vols. Paris, 1884-1885. 8vo, 

Note. — Vol. ii. pp. 341-403. 

MoNTiiGUT, Emilb. — Types litt^raires et fantaisies estli6tiques. 
Paris, 1882. 8vo. 

Note. —Pp. 45-92. 

MoRiN, Jer(5nimo. — Vida de Miguel de Cervantes Saavedra. 
Madrid, 1863. 4to. 

MoE DE FuBNTES, Josii). — Elogio de Miguel de Cervantes 
Saavedra. Paris, 1835. 8vo. 

Note. — Prefixed to an edition of Don Quixote. Pp. i.-xxxix. 

MuEET, Th^odoee CiiSAE. — Michel, Cervantes, drame en cinq 
actes en vers. Paris, 1858. 12mo. 

Nallat, Mulet Eoviodagoe [i.e. Manuel Gallardo y Victor]. 
— Memoria escrita sobre el rescate de Cervantes. C^diz, 1876. 8vo. 

Navaerbtb, MaetIn Feenandez de. — Vida de Miguel de Cer- 
vantes Saavedra. Madrid, 1819. 8vo. 

Ni Cervantes es Cervantes ni El Quijote es el Quijote. 
Santander, 1868. 12mo. 

NoEiEGA, F. DB Paitle. — Critique et defense de Don Quichotte, 
suivies de chapitres choisies de I'ingenieux Hidalgo, etc. Paris, 
1846. 18mo. 

Oliphant, Margaret Oliphant. — Cervantes. Edinburgh, 1880. 

Note. — This forms part of Blaclcwood's Foreign Glassies for 
English Readers. 

Pardo de Figubeoa, Mariano. — See Deoap, M. 

Pbllicee, Juan Antonio. — Vida de Miguel dte Cervantes Saavedra. 
Madrid, 1797. 8vo. 

Note. — This life, prefixed to the Academy edition, occupies 
pp. Iv.-ccxviii. 


Pellicee, Juan Antonio. — Examen critico del tomo primero de 
el Anti-Quixote por NiooMs P^rez. Madrid, 1806. 12mo. 

Pbeez, Nicolas. — EI Anti-Quixote. 1805. 12mo. 

Pi t Molist, Emilio. — Piimores del Don Quixote en el concept© 
mddico-psicol6gieo y consideraciones generales sobre la locura para 
un nuevo comentario de la inmortal novela. Barcelona, 1886. 

PiOATOSTE T KoDRiGUEZ, Eblipe. — La casa de Cervantes en Valla- 
dolid. Madrid, 1888. 8vo. 

PiERNAS f HxjKTADO, JosB Manuel. — Ideas y JSToticias econ6micas 
del Quijote. Ligero estudio bajo este aspecto de la inmortal obra de 
Cervantes. Madrid, 1874. 8vo. 

PiGUENiT, D. J. — Don Quixote, an entertainment for music. 
London, 1774. 8vo. 

Second edition. London, 1776. 8vo. 

PiNELLi KoMANO, Baetolomeo. — Le azioni piii celebrate del famoso 
cavaliere errante Don Chisciotte della Mancia, inventate ed incise da 
B. P. E. Eoma [1834 1], obi. fol. 

Peesoott, William Hickling.^ — Biograpbical and Critical Miscel- 
lanies. London, 1845. 8vo. 

Note.— Pp. 108-154. 

A los profanadores del ingenioso hidalgo Don Quijote de la 
Mancha. Critica y algo mas, por El Diablo con antiparras. Madrid, 
1861. 16mo. 

Eemarks on the proposals lately published for a new translation of 
Don Quixote. In which will be considered the design of Cer- 
vantes in writing the original and some new lights given relative to 
his Life and Adventures. In a letter from a Gentleman in the 
country [Colonel W. Windham] to a friend in town. London, 1755. 

Eementeeia t Eica, Maeiano de. — Honores tributados a la 
memoria de Miguel de Cervantes Saavedra en la capital de Espana en 
el primer afio del reinado de Isabel II. Madrid, 1834. 8vo. 

Ebnholm, G. — Spansker Berattelser. Miguel Cervantes med 
inledande studie ofver Spaniens skonliteratur. Stockohm, 1877. 8vo. 

Eios, Vicente db los. — Vida de Miguel de Cervantes Saavedra 
y andlisis del Quixote. Madrid, 1780. 4to. 

Note. — This precedes the Academy Edition of 1780, pp. iii.-ecii. 


EoscoB, Thomas. — Life and writings of Miguel de Cervantes 
Saavedra. London, 1839. 8vo, 

Saint-Victoe, Paul db. — Hommes et Dieux. Etudes d'histoire 
et de litt^rature. Paris, 1867. 

Note.— Pp. 441-456. 

Sainte-Beuve, Charles Augustin. — Nouveaux Lnndis, Paris, 

Note. — "Vol. iii. pp. 1-65. 

Sbaebi, Jose MABfA. — El Eefranero general espanol. 10 tomoa. 
Madrid, 1874-1876. 

Note. — Tom. v. (Instrucciones ecdnomicas y politicas, dadas por 
Sancho Panza a su hijo, Eespuestas de Sanchico Panza) ; Tom. vi. 
(La intraducibilidad del Quijote). 

Cervantes t^ologo. Toledo, 1870. 8vo. 

ScHAOK, Adolf Eriedrich von. — Geschichte der dramatischen 
Literatur und Kunst in Spanien. 3 vols. Berlin, 1845-1846. 

JSToTE.— Vol. i. pp. 310-365. 

Soberer, Edmond. — Etudes critiques de litterature. Paris, 1876. 

IfoTE. — Vol. vii. pp. 84-97. 

Schlegel, August Wilhelm von. — Sammtliche Werke. Leipzig, 
1846. 8vo. 

Note.— Vol. i. pp. 338-343; vol. iv. 189-203. 

Schubllbr, J. Carl. — Voorlezing over den Don Quijote gehonden 
. . . te Utrecht den 10 Feb., 1842. Utreclit, 1842. 8vo. 

Segovia, Antonio MarIa. — Cervantes. Nueva Utopia. Monu- 
mento nacional de etema gloria imaginado en honra del principe de 
los ingenios. Madrid, 1861. 8vo. 

Sentencias de Don Quijote y agudezas de Sancho. Mdximas y 
pensamientos mas notables contenidos en la obra de Cervantes, Don 
Quijote de la Mancha. Madrid, 1863. 16mo. 

SiifBREZ, Juan Eeanoisoo. — El Quijote del siglo XVIII. 
4 tomos. Madrid, 1836. 8vo. 

El Quijote de la Eevoluci6n o historia de la vida, hechos, 

aventuras y proezas de Monsieur le grand-homme Pamparanuja, h^roe 
politico, fil6sofo moderno, caballero errante y reformador de todo el 
g^nero humano. 2 tomos. Mejico, 1862. 8vo. 


SiMONDE DB SisMONDi, Jean Charlbs LEONARD. — De la litt^ratuie 
du Midi de I'Europe. 4 vols. Paris, 1813. 8to. 

Note.— Vol. iii. pp. 329-436. 

Stories and Chapters from Don Quixote versified. The Novel of 
the Curious Impertinent. London, 1830. 12mo. 

TuBiNO, Francisco MARfA. — Cervantes y el Quijote : estudios 
crlticos. Madrid, 1872. 8vo. 

El Quijote y La Estafeta de Urganda : ensayo crftico. 

SeviUe, 1862. 8vo. ' 

Urdanbta, Ambnodoro. — Cervantes y la critica. Cardcas, 1877. 

Valera, Juan. — Estudios crfticos sohre literatura, poHtica y cos- 
tumbres de nuestros dias. 2 tomos. Madrid, 1864. 8vo. 

— Sobre el Quijote y sobre las diferentes maneras de 

comentarle y juzgarle. Madrid, 1864. 8vo. 

ViDAL T DE Valbnciano, Caybtano. — El Entremes de refranes 
i es de Cervantes ? Ensayo de su traduocidn. Estudio critico-literario. 
Barcelona y Madrid, 1883. 8vo. 

ViDART, Luis. — Algunas ideas de Cervantes referentes d la litera- 
tura preceptiva. Madrid, 1878. 8vo. 

Cervantes, poeta 6pico. Apuntes criticos. Madrid, 1877. 


El Quijote y la clasificaoi6n de la. obras literarias. La 

desdicha pdstuma de Cervantes. Madrid, 1882. 8vo. 

El Quijote y el Telemaco. Madrid, 1884. 8vo. 

Los bidgrafos de Cervantes en el siglo XVIII. Madrid, 

1886. 8vo. 

Der Spanisohe "Waghalsz oder des vom Liebe bezauberten Ritters 
Don Quixote von Quixada. Gantz Neue Auschweiffung auf seiner 
Weissen Eosinanta. Niimberg, 1696. 8vo. 

Windham, W. — See RemarJts on the proposals lately published, etc. 

"Wit and "Wisdom of Don Quixote. New York, 1867. 12mo. 

"With a biographical sketch of Cervantes by Emma 

Thompson. Boston, 1882. 8vo. 

"WoLOwsKi, Aleksander. — Cervantfes, po^te dramatique. M^moire 
lu k la seance de ITnstitut historique le 4 novembre, 1849. Batig- 
noles, 1849. Svo. 

Y. T. — Don Quijote de la Mancha en el siglo XIX. Cidiz, 
1861. Svo. 



Cervantes Saavedra, Miguel de. Semanario Pintoresco, by J. 
de la Kevilla, 1840, pp. 329-332 ; Bentley's Miscellany, vol. xxiv. 
(1848), pp. 626-627 ; Dublin University Magazine, vol. Ixviii. (1866), 
pp. 123-138; reprinted in the Catholic World, vol. iv. (1867), 
pp. 14-28; Month, vol. vii. (1867), pp. 50-62; Argosy, by Alice 
King, vol. vii. (1869), pp. 117-122; La Jlustracidn Espanola, by F. 
M. Tubino, 1872, pp. 250-251 ; All the Tear Round, vol. xxxvii., 
Ne-w Series (1886), pp. 534-539. 

Cervantes and Beaumont and Fletcher. Fraser's Magazine, vol. 
xci. (1875), pp. 592-597. 

Cervantes and his Writings. American Monthly Magazine, 
vol. vii. (1836), pp. 342-354. 

Cervantes and Lope de Vega. Sharpe's London Journal, by F. 
Lawrence, vol. xi. pp. 228-236. 

Cervantes en Valladolid. Revista de Espana, by Pascual Gayangos, 
vol. xcvii. (1884), pp. 481-507; vol. xcviii. pp. 161-191, 321-368, 
508-543 ; vol. xcix. (1884), pp. 5-32. 

El Buscapi^. Dublin Review, vol. xxvi. (1849), pp. 137- 

Caractfere historique et moral du Don Quichotte. Revue des Deux 
JHondes, by EmUe Mont6gut, vol. 1. (1864), pp. 170-195. 

J Cervantes fue 6 no poetal Semanario Pintoresco, by Adolfo de 
Castro, 1851, pp. 354-355. 

La Cocina del Quijote. La Ilustracion espanola (1872), pp. 533- 
539, 554-555, 566-570. 

Comentarios filosdficos del Quijote. Groniaa hispano-americana, 
by Mcolas Diaz de Benjumea, Nov. 14, 15, 16, 17, 18, 19, 20. 

Conjeturas sobre el fundamento que pudo tener la idea que di6 
origen 6, la patrana de el Buscapi^. Revista de Ciencias, Literatura 
y Artes, by Cayetano Alberto de la Barreia, vol. ii. (1856), pp. 

Los continuadores del ingenioso hidalgo. La obra de un Avellanedo 
(^sic) desconocido. Revista de Espafia, by Jos6 Maria Asensio y 
Toledo, xxxiii. (1873), pp. 451-461 


Cr6nica de los Cervantistas. Cddiz, 1871, etc. 4to. 

NoTH. — This magazine, established under the editorship of D. 
Ram6n Le6n M4inez, is issued at irregular intervals. 

Don Quixote. JBlacJcwood's Edinburgh Magazine, vol. xi. (1822), 
pp. 657-668; North American Review, by W. H. Prescott, vol. xlv. 
(1837), pp. 1-34; Revue fran<}aise,Yolvn. (1838), pp. 299-327; The 
Knickerbocker, by E. J. de Cordova, vol. xxxviii. (1851), pp. 189- 
203 ; Westminster Review, vol. xxxiii.. New Series, 1868, pp. 299- 
327; reprinted in the Edectic Magazine, vol. viii., New Series, pp. 
909-925 ; Cornhill Magazine, vol. xxx. (1874), pp. 595-616. 

Don Quixote and Gil Bias. Penn Monthly, by C. H. Drew, 
vol. iii. (1872), pp. 555-564. 

The Drama of Cervantes. Gentleman's Magazine, by James Mew, 
vol. ccxlv. (1879), pp. 446-470. 

Duffield's Translation of Don Quixote. Blackwood's Edinburgh 
Magazine, vol, cxxx. (1881), pp. 469-490. 

Educaci6n cientifica de Cervantes. El Museo Universal, by 
McoMs Diaz de Benjumea, vol. xiii. (1869), pp. 19-22, 38-39. 

Episodes of Don Quixote. London Magazine, vol. vi., New 
Series (1826), pp. 657-566, and vol. vii, New Series (1827), pp. 

The Entremeses of Cervantes. Gentleman's Magazine, by James 
Mew, vol. ccl. (1881), pp. 451-469. 

Estatua de Cervantes. Semanario Pintoresco, 1836, pp. 249-253. 

The Galatea of Cervantes. Gentlenfian's Magazine, by James Mew, 
vol. ccxlvi.\l880), pp. 670-690. 

Hamlet et Don Quichotte. Bibliothhque Universelle et Eevu£ 
Suisse, by Ivan Turgenev, vol. iii. (Troisifeme periode), pp. 56-79. 

Heine on Don Quixote. Temple Bar, vol. xlviii. (1876), pp, 

Huellas de Cervantes. Revista de Espana, by Enrique Cisneros, 
vol. xi. (1869), p. 58. 

Jarvis's Translation of Don Quixote. Monthly Review, vol. iii., 
New Series (1837), pp. 230-240. 

Library of Don Quixote. Eraser's Magazine, vol. vii. (1833), 
pp. 324-331, 565-577. 

Life of Cervantes. United States Review and Literary Gazette, 
vol. ii. (1827), pp. 415-427 ; Monthly Revieiu, vol. ii., New Series 
(1834), pp. 383-395 ; North American Review, by E. Wigglesworth, 


vol. xxxviii. (1834), pp. 277-307 ; NortJi American Review, by 
W. H. Presoott, vol. xlv. (1837), pp. 1-34. 

Nota de las persouas que intervienen en la historia del Ingenioso 
Hidalgo Don Quijote. Semanario Pintoresco, by Eemigio Salomdn, 
1850, pp. 129-134. 

Notas & la Vida de Cervantes. Revista de Ciencias, Literatura y 
Artes, by Cayetano Alberto de la Barrera, vol. iii. (1856), pp. 468-478. 

Cervantes' Novels. Gentleman's Magazine, by James Mew, 
voL ccxUii. (1878), pp. 358-372; vol. ccxliv. (1879), pp. 95-110, 

Observaciones sobre las ediciones primitives de Don Quijote de la 
Mancha. Revista de ^ Espana, by Jos6 Maria Asensio y Toledo, vol. 
ix. (1869), pp. 367-376. 

Ormsby's Translation of Don Quixote. Quarterly Review, 
vol. clxii. (1886), pp. 43-79 j Saturday Review, vol. lix. (June 13, 
1885), pp. 794-795 ; Nation (New York), vol. xli. (1885), pp. 513- 
514, 535-537. 

El progreso de la critica del Quijote. Revista de Espana, by 
Nicolds Diaz de Benjumea, vol. Ixiv. (1878), pp. 474-488 ; vol. Ixv. 
pp. 42-59, 450-466; vol. Ixvi. (1879), pp. 158-172, 329-348; 
vol. Ixvii. pp. 519-538. 

Un Paseo & la patria de Don Quijote. Semanario Pintoresco, by 
Jos6 Jimenez-Serrano, 1848, pp. 19-22, 35-37, 41-43, 109-111, 

Le Portrait de Cervantes. Revue germanique, by J. M. Guardia, 
vol. xxxviii. (1866), pp. 300-314. 

D^couverte du veritable Portrait de Cervantes. Revue hritannigue, 
by Antoine de Latour, vol. ccxxxvii., 9"° s^rie (1865), pp. 471—485. ■ 

Eambles in the Footsteps of Don Quixote. Dublin University 
Magazine, vol. xi. (1838), pp. 574-581. 

Kecuerdos de Cervantes. Semanario pintoresco, by Jos6 Jimenez- 
Serrano (1848), pp. 161-163. 

Eesumen por orden cronoldgico de las principales aventuras del 
Ingenioso Hidalgo Don Quijote. Semanario pintoresco, by Remigio 
Salomon, 1850, pp. 148-151. 

Significaci6n histdrica de Cervantes. Cronica hispano-ame/ricana, 
by Nicolas Diaz de Benjumea, vol. iii. (1859), pp. 8-9. 

TheMre de Michel Cervantes. Revue des Deux Mondes, by Charles 
de Mazade, vol. xxxviii. (1862), pp. 255-256. 

La Tia fingida. El Criticon, by B. J. Gallardo, No. 1, 1835. 


Una traduccidn del Quijote. Novela original. Revista de Espana, 
by Florencio Moreno Godino, vol. vi. (1869), pp. 397-437, 547-567 ; 
vol. vii. pp. 54-75. 

Viaje de Cervantes d Italia. El Museo Univenal, by Nicol4s 
Diaz de Benjumea, vol. xiii. (1869), pp. 102, 103, 110. 

Cervantes' Voyage to Parnassus. Gentleman's Magazine, vol. ccxlvi. 
(1880), pp. 81-95.1 

' The volume of the Gentleman's Magazine for the months January-June, 
1880, is numbered ccxlvi.; the volume for July-December, 1880, is numbered 
ccxlix. I have followed this numeration, without endeavouring to correct it. 


Abdulkahman, see Girdn. 

Aoqnaviva, Cardinal Giulio, 12-13 ; takes 
CerranteB to Borne, 13 ; 17 and n. 

Actors, Position of, 164, 165, 166, 167, 
168, 193 n. 

Adamson, John, 16 n. 

Adolphus, John Leyoester, 306 n. 

^sohylus, 30, 176.^ 

Agnayo, Jnan, 138. 

Aguilar, Catalina, 222, 224. 

Agnilar, Diego, 138. 

Alarcdn, see Ruiz de Alarodn. 

Albomoz, 85, 88. 

Aloala de Henares, 3, 5-6 and n, 135. 

Alcaldes de Daganzo, La Bleccidn de los, 

AlcaSioes, Marqaes de, 247. 

Alcazar, Baltasar de, 139. 

Alcazar, The Battle of, 16 n. 

Aleman, Mateo, 80, 204, 261. 

Alexander VI., 23. 

Alfieri, 11, 177 n. 

Alfonso, Graspar, 139. 

Alfonso VI., 2 and n, 8. 

Alfonso VII., 2. 

Algiers, State of, in the sixteenth cen. 
tury, 42-51. 

Algiiazil Alguazilado, HI, 239. 

Aliaga,,Lnis de, 262. 

AUessandri, Vioenzo d', 22-23, 35. 

Altamira, Conde de, 61. 

Aluch Ali Pasha at Lepanto, 28; at 
Navarino, 33 ; storms Tunis, 39. 

Alva, Duke of, 78, 80 n, 81, 83 ; exiled, 84- 
89 J commands the army of Portugal, 

Alvarado, Pedro, 139. 

Alvarez, I'adriqne de. Marques de Coria, 
his liaison with Magdalena de Guz- 
man, 79-80; interned at Medina del 

Campo, 80 ; ordered to Oran, ibid. ; 
goes to Flanders, ibid, n; ordered to 
marry Magdalena, 81 ; imprisoned, ibid. 
et seq. ; escapes and marries Maria 
Alvarez de Toledo, 84; sequel of this 
escapade, 84-89 and nn. 

Alvarez de Toledo, Garcia, 80 n, 84. 

Alvarez de Toledo, Maria, 84, 88. 

Amari, Michele, 60 n. 

Amherst, Rev. W. J., 5 n. 

Antas, M. Miguel d', 76 n. 

Antonio, Prior of Crato, claims the Portu- 
guese throne, 77-78; defeated at Al- 
oantara, 90; crowned at Teroeira, 91 ; 
seeks allies, 94-95; defeated at the 
Azores, 96, 99. 

Apuleiua, 167 n. 

Aragonea, Alonso, 56 n, 59 n, 63 n. 

Arbolauohe, Jerdnirao, 121, 249, 253. 

Arcadia, discovered by Sannazzaro, 105- 

Aretino, 73, 74 and n. 

Argamasilla de Alba, 203, 206, 207 ; Don 
Quixote's town, 208. 

Argensola, see Lupercio de Argensola. 

Argomeda y Ayala, Maria de, 223, 224. 

Arias, Felix, 247. 

Arias de Saavedra, Juan, 3. 

Ariosto, 74 and n. 111, 114, 141, 260. 

Aruaut Mami, captures Cervantes on 
board the Sol, 41, 128 ; 135 and n. 

Artieda, Andres Rey de, 139, 316. 

Ascham, 117 and n, 

Asensio y Toledo, D. Jose Maria, 102, 139, 
192 n, 296 n. 

Atayde, Caterina, 15. 

Augustine, St., on the theatre, 163. 

Avalos y de Eibera, Juan, 189. 

Avellaneda, see Fernandez de Avellaneda. 

Avellaneda, Juana, 3. 

2 C 



Avila, 118. 

Ayala, Luis de, 223, 224. 

Ayuda, Isabel de, 223, 224-225, 226, 250. 

Aztecs, 6. 

Baca y de Qoinones, Hieeonymo, 138. 

Bacon, Francis, 1, 307. 

Baglione, Astor, 24, 27. 

Baldiui, M. Baccio, 23 n. 

Bandello, Matteo, 113 and n, 117, 241. 

Baftos de Argel, Los, 51 and ii, 300 and n. 

Barahona de Soto, Luis, 134, 139-140. 

Barbaro, Marc Antonio, 35. 

Barrera j Leirado, D. Oayetano Alberto 

de la, 138, 140, 142, 150, 154, 155, 

184 n, 218 n. 
Barretti, 280 and n. 
Barroso, Teresa, 2. 
Barthius, Caspar, 160-161, 235. 
Bateo, Juan, 249. 
Baza, 140. 
Bazan, Luis de, 93. 
Beoerra, Domingo de, 59 and n, 140. 
Bejar, Duque de, 210 and n, 211. 
Bellermann, Christian F., 203 n. 
Benavides, Diego de, 65 n. 
Benavides, Los, 61. 
Bentley, 279. 

Bermiidez, JuanAgustinCeaude,43 n, 197. 
Berrio, Gonzalez Mateo de, 140. 
Bettenoourt Vasconoellos, Joao de, 91. 
Blanco de Paz, Juan, 58, 59, 64 and n, 

66, 262. 
Blauen, Eitterhold von, see Zesen. 
Boabdil, 6. 

Boaistuau, Pierre, 113. 
Boccaccio, 113-114 and n, 283. 
Bohl von Faber, Juan Nicolas, 167 w. 
Bologna, University of, 7. 
Borges, Gon^alo, 16. 
Borrow, George, 240 and n. 
Boscan, Juan, 8, 12 ; translates Castig- 

lione's II Cortegiano, 74 n ; 119 and n. 
Bossnet, on the theatre and on Molifere, 

168 and n, 169. 
Bousoal, Guion Gueriu de, 242. 
Bouterwek, on the Viaje, 251, 255 ; on the 

Adjunta, 256-257. 
Bouvard et Picuchet, 269. 
Bowie, 280 and n. 
Bragadino, Maro Antonio, 24; his sur- 

render and murder, 27. 
Braganza, Joao de, 91. 
Brant6me, 11, 95 and n. 
Bright, Mr. John, 31. 
Brissac, 95. 

Broke, Arthur, 113, 117. 

Browne, 118. 

Browne, Mr. Eawdon, 262, 263 and n, 

275 m. 
Buitrago y Peribanez, Luis, 61. 
Bnrckhardt, John Lewis, 57 n. 
Burns, 195. 

Burton, Sir Richard, 51 n, 304 n. 
Butler, Charles, 5 n. 
Byl, transla/tes Broilla's Araucana, 143. 
Byron, 90, 276 and n. 

Cabestanh, Guiblem, 18. 

Cabeza de Vaoa, Juan de Nava, see Nava. 

Cabrera de Cdrdoba, Luis, 184 n, 208 n, 

227 n, 247. 
Caffaro, on the Spanish theatre, 168. 
Cairasco de Figueroa, 140-141. 
Calatayud, Francisco de, 247. 
Caldera, 141, 
Calderdn, 2 m ; on Lope de Figueroa, 

102 n ; 191, 310 «, ; his enthusiastic 

admiration for Cervantes, 317 n. 
Camoens, 15-16 ; translated by Garces, 

138 ; by Caldera, 141 ; by Luis G(5mez, 

ibid. ; 304 and n. 
Campuzano, Francisco, 141, 147. 
Camus, J. P., 110, 119. 
Cangas, Fernando de, 141. 
Cantoral, see Lomas. 
Caporali, Cesare, 244, 245, 299. 
Oarlet de Marivaux, Pierre, 282. 
Carlos, Don, at Alcala de Henares, 10 ; 

his death, ibid. 11 and n, 13. 
Carlyle, 277 and n, 282 and n. 
Carranza, Hieronimo, 141-142. 
Casa de los Celos, La, 179. 
Casa, Giovanni della. Bishop of Bene- 

vento, his Galateo, 59 n j imitated by 

Graoian Dantisco, 146-147. 
Casamiento Enganoso, El, 237, 239, 243. 
Casaubon, 279, 307. 
Cassaoiello, 173 n. 
Castaneda, Gabriel de, 28, 53, 62. 
Castelbrosso, 25. 

Castellano, Diego, 58, 64 n, 65 n. 
Castiglione, Baltassare, 74 n, 112 and n. 
Castilho, Pedro de, 91. 
Castilla, 53. 
Castillejo, Cristdbal de, 8, 119, 120 n, 

145, 162. 
Castro, D. Adolfo de, 154, 
Catherine, Duchess of Braganza, 77. 
Celestina, La, 160 et seq. 
Cellini, Benveuuto, 235 ». 
Celoso Extremeno, El, 236, 242. 



Cervantes, Andrea de, 3; marries Nicolas 
da Ovaudo, 63; aids her mother to 
ransom Miguel, ibid.; at Valladolid, 
221; her daughter, ibid, j her testi- 
mony, 226; becomes a Tertiary, 229; 
death of, ibid. 298 and n. 

Cervantes, Andres de, 3j assumes the 
name of Rodrigo, 4 n ; captured with 
his brother, 41, 51 ; ransomed, 54; at 
Porto das Moas, 98 ; his military career, 
92-100 and n ; 222, 298 and n. 

Cervantes, Castle of, 2 and m. 

Cervantes, Diego de, 3. 

Cervantes Gonzalo, son of Alfonso Muuio, 
first assumes the name of Cervantes, 2-3. 

Cervantes, Gonzalo Gdmez de, 3. 

Cervantes, Juan de, 3. 

Cervantes, Luisa de, 3, 298 and n. 

Cervantes, Miguel de, 5 n. 

Cervantes, Miguel de, son of Bias Cer- 
vantes Saavedra, 5 n. 

Cervantes, Rodrigo de, 3; his poverty, 
10; ransoms his elder son, 54 ; his plea 
for Miguel, 62 and n ; dies, 63. 

Cervantes Saavedra, Gonzalo de, 142. 

Cervantes Saavedra, Miguel de, his birth, 
3 ; baptismal certificate, ibid, n ; at 
Aloala de Henares, 6, 8-10 ; alleged to 
have studied at Salamanca, 9 ; his first 
publication, 12 ; a page at Court, 13 ; 
snpposedduelwith Sigura, ibid. ; enters 
Acquaviva's service, ibid. ; love passage 
at Court, 15 ; compared with Camoens, 
16 ; goes to Eome, 18 ; his Filena, 19 ; 
enlists, ibid.; at Lepanto, 28; severely 
wounded, 29 ; his pride at having been 
present, 31; in hospital, 33; joins Ponce 
de Ledn's company in Lope de Figue- 
roa's regiment at Corfu, ibid. ; at Nava- 
rino, ibid. ; at Messina, 36 ; at Goletta 
and Tunis, 36-38 ; in Sardinia, 38 ; at 
Naples, 39-40 ; sails for Spain, 41 ; 
letters from Don John and the Duque de 
Sesa, 41, 53, 72 ; captured on board the 
Sol, 41 ; imprisoned in Algiers, ibid. ; 
his life there, 43 et seq. ; becomes Dali 
Mami's slave, 50 ; his plays in Algiers, 
51 ; organises an escape to Oran, 53- 
54 ; a second attempt with Viana, 54- 
55 ; a third attempt, 56-57 ; a fourth 
attempt, 57-59; dreams of capturing 
Algiers, 59 and n ; writes to Vazquez, 
61 ; his father's affidavit, 62 ; and 
death, 63; shipped for the Bosporus, 
ibid. ; ransomed, ibid. ; his interroga- 
tories, 64 ; returns to Spain, 65-66 ; 
his exploits in Haedo's narrative, 67, 

69-70 ; his prospects, 72-74 ; re-enlists 
in Figueroa's regiment, 75 ; in the Por- 
tuguese campaign, 91, 102-103 ; goes 
to Mostagan and Oran, 103, 121 ; tax- 
gatherer in Montauohes, 103 ; his 
natural daughter, ibid, et seq. ; the 
Galatea, 105, 121-138 ; retires from the 
army, 121 ; settles in Esquivias, 121, 
157-158 ; marries, 138 ; his dScimas in 
Maldonado's Cancioncero, 149 ; on the 
Celestma, 161 and n ; on the old stage 
properties, 164 ; on Naharro's reforms, 

172 and n, 184 and n ; tries the drama, 

173 et seq. ; his last plays, 173 n ; pro- 
duces the Numancia, 175 et seq. ; his 
volume of plays, 178 et seq. ; his failure 
as a dramatist, 178, 185-187 ; makes 
way for Lope de Vega, 189-191; his 
poverty, 191, 249; his contract with 
Osorio, ibid. ; serves under Valdivia, 
195 ; deputy-purveyor to the Armada, 
ibid.; excommunicated, 196 and n; pe- 
titions Philip II., 196; serves under 
Isunza, 197 ; tax-gatherer in Granada, 
ibid, ; prefatory sonnets, ibid. ; com- 
petes at Zaragoza, 198; on the sack 
of Cadiz, ibid. ; defrauded by Freire 
de Lima, ibid. ; imprisoned, 199 ; on 
Philip's obsequies, 200 ; in La Mancha, 
200 ; had no degree, 202 ; alleged 
imprisonment at Argamasilla de Alba, 
203, 206-208; goes to Valladolid, 209 ; 
fails with Lerma, ibid.; seeks and finds 
a patron, 210-211 ; reads Don Quixote, 
211-212; publishes Don Quixote, 213- 
215 ; becomes a Court Chronicler, 217- 
218; charged with murder, 218-227; 
joins a religious confraternity, 229 ; his 
residences, 229 ; protected by Sandoval 
and Lemos, 230; his disappointment 
as to Lemos' suite, ibid.; joins the Sal- 
vajes, 231 ; publishes his Novelas, 231 
et seq. ; the Viaje del Parndso, 245 ; his 
relation to Lope de Vega, 248, 263- 
264; to the Argensolas, 248; com- 
pared with Swift, 252-253 ; failure of 
the Viaje, 254 ; compensated for in the 
Adjunta, 255-257; works at the Second 
Part of Don Quixote, 260; hears of 
Avellaneda's version, 261, 267-268; 
completes Don Qmxote, 268 et seq. ; 
his literary projects, 285 ; his P4rsiles, 
286 et seq.; his farewell to Lemos, 
295; illness, 296; death, 297; portrait, 
298-299; his prejudices and religious 
opinions, 300-303 ; his attainments, 
294, 304, 307; compared with Sabelais, 



305-307; hatred of translations, 307 
and n ; method of work, 308-309 ; his 
married life, 309-313; his unsucoess, 
314 ; his reputation, 315 ; his solitary- 
old age, 316-319. 

Cervatos, Arms of the family, 2 n. 

Cervatos, Pedro Alfonso, 2. 

Cevallos, Maria de, 221. 

Chances, The, 267. 

Characteres, 279. 

Charles V., 2, 71, 275. 

Charles IX. of France, 22. 

Charrifere, 36 n. 

Chasle, M. Emile, 259-260 and n. 

Chaste, Commandeur de, 98. 

Ghaumiere Indienne, La, 269. 

Chaves, Eodrigo de, 65 n. 

Chenier, Marie Joseph, 11. 

Oherbuliez, M. Victor, 277 and n. 

Chorley, Mr. John, 155, 184 and n, 185. 

Christians in Algiers, 42-45, 50. 

Chytrsaus, Nathan, 140. 

Cid Campeador, 1, 17, 278. 

Cid, Poema del, 2 n, 5 n. 

Cinthio, Giraldi, 113 and n ; 231 n, 241. 

Clemenoin, Diego, 280. 

Cook, Henrique, 96 n, 102 n. 

Coleridge, Samuel Taylor, 272. 

Coligny, Gaspard de, 22. 

Collier, Jeremy, 168-169 andm, 293. 

Coloma, Alonso, 142. 

Coloma, Juan, 142. 

Colonca, Asoanio, 17. 

Colonna, Marc Antonio, 19, 23. 

Coloquio de los Perros, El, 136, 237. 

Columbus, 6, 107. 

Comediasy Bntremeses, 178-186, 258-260, 
, 269. 

Concentayna, Conde de, 224, 226. 

Coppee, M. Fran9ois, 195. 

Cordoba, see Cabrera de Cdrdoba. 

Cdrdoba, teaches Lope de Vega, 143. 

Cdrdoba, Gonzalvo de, 7. 

Coro Feheo de Romances Historiales, 244, 

Cortes, Hernando, 6, 107.'' 

Oortigiana, La, 74 n, 

Cortinas, Leonor de, marries Eodrigo de 
Cervantes, 3 ; her children, ibid. ; a 
widow, 63 ; ransoms Miguel, ibid, j 65, 

Cosimo, Grand Duke of Tuscany, 22, 23. 

Cota, Eodrigo, part author of the Celes- 
Una, 160, 162. 

Court life, Tasso on, 73 ; Guarini on, ibid. ; 
Aretino on, ibid. 

Cromwell, Oliver, 297. 

Cubat Caius, 20-21. 
Cueva, Juan de la, 143, 250. 
Oueva de Salamanca, La, 183, 302. 
Cueva y Silva, Francisco de la, 142-143. 
Gustom of the Country, The, 293. 
Cyprus, attacked, 24 ; fall of, ibid. 

Dali Mami, Cervantes' owner, 50, 54; 

sella Cervantes to the Dey Hassan, 56. 
Dan, Pierre, 42 n, 45 n, 48, 49 and n. 
Daza, 143. 
Decamerone, 113. 
Defoe, 276 n, 289. 
Delgado, 200. 
Demetrius Cretensis, 6. 
Deux Pucelles, Les, 243. 
Devil is an Ass, The, 238. 
Diana Enamorada, 146, 261. 
Diaz, Francisco, 143. 
Diderot, 253, 282 n. 
Dieze, Johan Andreas, 163. 
Diocletian, 7. 
Don Quixote, 12, 33, 41, 49, 51, 57 and n, 

59 n, 105, 135, 161, 208, 209-215, 216, 

228, 246, 248, 249, 251, 254, 256, 260, 

261, 263, 264, 265, 268-284, 299, 

301 TO. 
Dorador, El, Cervantes' betrayer, 55, 

56 n, 64. 
Doria, Giovanni Andrea, 25, 26 ; his 

tactics at Lepanto, 29. 
Doria, Marcello, 38. 
Dos Doncellas, Las, 236-237, 242. 
Dowden, Professor, 277 n, 282 n. 
Doyen de KilUrine, Le, 269. 
Drake, 92. 
Drayton, 118, 279. 
Drummond, William, 131 n. 
Dryden, 76 n, 293 and n. 
Duran, Agustin, 135 n. 
Duran, Diego, 143. 
D'Urfe, Honore, 110. 

D'Urfey, Thomas, 279. , 

Dn Tilliot, see Tilliot. 
Dyce, Alexander, 76 n. 
Dyer, Edward, 112 n. 

Eeoli, Princess of, 78 and n. 
Elizabeth of England, 22, 94. 
Enriquez, Fray Feliciano, 65 n. 
Mntretenida, La, 181. 
Enzina, Juan de, 163, 167 and n. 
Enzinas, Pedro de, 147. 
Epictetus, 153. 

Erauso y Zayaleta, Tomas, on Cervantes' 
plays, 186 n ; on Don Quixote, 278 n. 



Eroilla, Alonso de, 8, 32, 134, 143, 151 ; 

hia Araucaiia continued, 153, 816. 
Eaoobar, Baltaaar de, 143-144. 
Escobar Gabe9a de Vaca, Pedro de, 139, 

Escovedo, 38. 
Espinel, Vicente, 140, 144, 145, 117, 150, 

154, 247, 316. 
Espinosa, Pedro de, 139, 140, 142, 144, 

Espinosa, Silvestre, 144. 
Espinosa de los Monteros, Pablo, 199 n, 

Esquilaohe, Principe de, 247. 
Estrada, Alonso de, 144. 
Ezarqae, Onofre, aids Cetvantea to escape, 

58 ; ofEers to ransom him, ibid. 
Ezpeleta, Gas'par de, 218, 219 and n, 220 ; 

dies, 221 ; 224, 226, 227 n. 

Fair Maid of the Inn, The, 242. 

Falo^s, Marques, 219, 221. 

Falcdn, Jaime Jnan, 144. 

Eamagosta, invested, 24 ; its heroic de- 
fence, 26 ; fall of, 26-28. 

Farax, 1. 

Faunoe, Abraham, 112 and n. 

Fenton, Sir Geoffrey, 114 and n, 118. 

Fernandez de Ayellaneda, Alonso, 261- 
263, 264, 265 ; his Don Quixote, 266-267 
and TO, 268. 

Fernandez de Navarrete, Eustaqaio, 204 to. 

Fernandez de Navarrete, Martia, 28 m, 
56 TO, 58 TO, 62 TO, 64 to, 102, 103, 104, 
195 n, 197 TO, 199 «, 202 n, 206 and to. 

Fernandez de Pineda, Eodrigo, 144. 

Fernandez de Sotomayor, Gonzalo, 144. 

Fernandez-Gaerra y Orbe, D. Aureliano, 
205 TO, 227 TO, 228. 

Ferrebont, 306 to. 

Ferrier, M. dn, 36 to. 

Fielding, 119, 135, 213, 280 and to. 

Figaeiredo, Cypriano de, 91, 92, 93, 96. 

Figaeroa, Francisco de, 134. 

Figaeroa, Lope de, 33, 38, 39, 75, 92, 93, 
94, 102 and n. 

Filena, 19. 

Fifcton, Mary, 104. 

Fitzgerald, Edward, 283 and ?t. 

Flanbert, Gastave, 269. 

Fletcher, 242-243, 279, 293. 

Mores de poetas ilustres, 139. 

Florian, Jean-Pierre Claris de, 110, 137, 

Fools, Feast of, 166-167. 

Forman, Mr. H. Buxton, 259 to. 

Fortesoue, 118. 

Forteacue, Mr. G. K., 61 to. 

Fourquevaulx, 11 m. 

Fox, Charles, 190. 

Frampton, John, 112. 

Francis I„ 7. 

Freire de Lima, Simdn, 198. 

Frias, Damasio de, 145. 

Fronilde, first wife of Nuno Alfonso, 2. 

Fronilde, daughter of Nunc Alfonso, 2 

and TO. 
Fuensanta del Valle, Marques de la, 

edits Padilla's Bomaneero, 152. 
Fuerm de la Sangre, La, 233, 241, 242, 


Gaohaed, M. Lodis Pbospee, 11 to. 
Gaguin, 306 to. 

Galatea, La, 17 to, 38, 105, 121-138, 299. 
Galvez de Montalvo, 121, 134, 141, 145, 

Ganaaa, Alberto, 172 and to. 
Garay, 141, 145. 

Garceran de Borja, Pedro Luis, 145. 
Garces, Enrique, 138, 145, 152, 155. 
Garcia de Salcedo Coronel, 154. 
Garcia Eomero, 146. 
Garibay, Eateban (or Luis), 220, 222 

and TO. 
Garibay, Luisa, 220, 222. 
Garibay y Zumalloa, Eateban, 220 and to. 
Garrick, 173. 
Gay, 118 and n. 
Gayangoa, D. Pasoual de, 14 n, 200-203, 

216 n, 310-311. 
Gaytan, Juana, widow of Padilla, 222, 

224, 225, 226. 
Gaztelu, Martin de, 85. 
Genesius, St., 163 and m. 
Genoa,' hatred of Venice, 29 ; disorders 

at, 38. 
Ghislieri, Michele, see Pins V. 
Gibson, James Young, fil n, 175 and to, 

176 ; on the Viace, 251, 252, 255. 
Gil, Juan, takes Cervantes' ransom to 

Algiers, 63 ; redeems him, ibid, ; 65 to ; 

in Haedo's narrative, 70. 
Gil Polo, Gaspar, 120 and to, 133, 146, 261. 
Gipsies, 240. 
Girdn, 57. 

Girdn y de Eebblledo, Alonso, 146. 
Qitanilla, La, 231-232, 236, 239. 
Godiuez de Monsalve, Antonio, 62. 
Gdmez, Luis, 141. 
Gdmez, Ruy, 78. 
Gdmez de Luque, Gonzalvo, 146'. 



Gdngora y Argote, Luis de, 146, 154, 208- 
209; his dislike of CervaDtea, 218 and 
n ; lampoons Ezpeleta, 219 and n ; 
denounces Valladolid, ibid. ; bantered 
in the Viaje, 247 ; attacks Cervantes, 
262 and n, 317. 

Gonzalez, Tomas, 9. 

Googe, 118. 

Gordon, C. G., 19. 

Graciau Dantisoo, Lucas de, 141, 146- 

Grafton, 205. 

Qran Sultama, La, 180, 300 n. 

Greene, 116, 117. 

Gregory XIII., 35 ; claims the throne of 
Portugal, 77. 

Grimarest, 114 n, 281 n. 

Gualdo Priorato, Galeazzo, 40 n. 

Guarda Cuidadosa, La, 183. 

Guardato, Tommaso, 113. 

Guardia, M. J. M., 250, 251, 252. 

Guarini, 181. 

Guatamozin, 7. 

Guevara, 118. 

Guevara, Antonio de, 195. 

Gugliemotti, Alberto, 32 n. 

Gniooiardini, 112 and n. 

Guzman de Alfarache, 9, 80, 204, 261. 

Guzman, Brianda de, 84. 

Guzman, Francisco de, 147. 

Guzman, Juan de, 84. 

Guzman, Luiza de, 91. 

Guzman, Magdalena de, love affair with 
the Marques de Ooria, 79-80 ; interned 
at Toledo, 80 ; her complaints to the 
King, 81 ; 83 et ' seq. ; marries the 
Marqiies del Valle, 88 n. 


Haedo, Diego de, 4 and n, 42 and n, 45 n, 
46 11, 47 «, 48 n, 50 n, 51, 52 n, 55, 56 n, 
59 TO, 60 TO, 61 TO ; his narrative of Cer- 
vantes' captivity, 67-70. 

Hamet, 83, 37. 

Samlet and Bon Quixote, 269-272. 

Harley, 280 and to. 

Harper, arrested for acting in the School 
for Scandal, 169 to. 

Hartzenbusch, Juan Eugenic, 138, 208, 
212 TO, 228. 

Harvey, Gabriel, 117-118. 

Hassan, Alcayde, 55 ; in Haedo's nar- 
rative, 67, 70. I 

Hassan, Dey, 56 ; buys Cervantes, ibid. ; 
57, 58, 60, 63, 65, 66 ; in Haedo's nar- 
rative, 69-70 ; 91. 

Hase, Karl, 164 to, 165 m. 

Hawthorne, 195. 

Hazlitt, 133. 

necatommilM, 113. 

Heemskerk, Johau van, 110. 

Hefele, Carl Joseph, 5. 

Heine, 283. 

Heisterbaoh, 266. 

Heliodorus, 294. 

Henrique, Cardinal, 77, 85, 87. 

Henry of Portugal, Prince, 91 to. 

Henry II. of France, 7. 

Henry III. of Prance, 95. 

Henryson, 115. 

Herrera, Antonio de, 90 to, 92 n, 94 to, 
96 TO, 101 TO. 

Herrera, Pernando de, 32, 147, 150, 151. 

Hoby, Thomas, 112 and to. 

Holy League, The, 23, 25 ; formally pro- 
claimed, ibid. ; dissolved, 34-36. 

Hooft, 78 TO. 

Horace, edited by Sanchez, 153. 

Hospital de los Podridos, El, 183. 

Hozes y Cordoba, Gouzalo de, edits Gon- 
gora's poems, 146, 154. 

Hudibras, 279. 

Hnete, 147. 

Hugo, Victor, 242, 308, 309 m. 

Hurtado de Mendoza, Diego, 8, 14 and n, 
134, 150, 154, 203. 

Ibaeka, Bsteban, 85, 88. 

Ibrahim-ibn-Ahmed, 60 to. 

Ihistre Fregona, La, 236, 242. 

Iranzo, Lazaro Luis, 147. 

Iriarte, Juan de, 4. 

Isabel de Valois, 10-12, 78 to. 

Italian actors in England, 114 and to ; in 

Prance, ibid, n. 
Italian influence on Spanish literature, 

7-8 ; on English literature, 111-119. 

Jackson, Rev. A. W., translator of Hase, 
164 TO. 

Jackson, W. W., editor of Hase, 164 to. 

Jauregui, Juan de, 299 and to. 

Jemmingen, 89. 

Jews, their position in Algiers, 45-46, 47. 

Jimenez de Urrea, Jerdnimo, 307 to. 

John, Don, of Austria, studies at Alcala, 
10; kinsmanof Cervantes, ibid.; Gene- 
ralissimo of the Holy League, 26 ; in 
command at Lepanto, 28-31; eulogies 
on, 32; at Navarino, 33-34; takes 
Tunis, 36-88; sails to Europe, 38; fails 
to relieve Tunis, 39-40; recommends 



Cerrantes for promotion, 41, 53 ; be- 
comes Viceroy of the Low Countries, 
72 ; dies, 73 ; 92, 246, 250, 316. 

Johnson, Samuel, on Castiglione's Cor- 
tegiano, 74 n; on Dryden's Don Sebas- 
tian, 76 n; 108; on Don Quixote, 280. 

Jonson, Ben, 131 and n, 141-142, 238, 

Juez de los Divorcios, El, 182. 

Justine, 241. 

Kelly, Michael, 173 n. 

Knight of the Burning Pestle, The, 279. 

Koran, 47-^8 and n. 

Kyd, 114 n. 

Laberinto de Amor, El, ISO. 

La Fontaine, 314. 

Lainez, Pedro, 134, 141, 145, 147, 222, 

226, 316. 
Lalande, Jean de, see Sorel. 
Lamb, Charles, 281. 
Lampillas, 186 and n. 
Lander, Walter Savage, 259, 275 n. 
Langton, Major Algernon, translates 

Marcos de Obregdn, 144. 
La Boohefoucauld, Fran9ois de Marcillao, 

Duo de, 312. 
Lasoa, II, 231, 241. 
Latino, Juan, 32. 
Latonr, M. Antoine de, 227 n. 
Layigne, M. A. Germond de, 267. 
Lazwrillo de Tormes, 9, 14 n. 
Lebrija, 6. 

Leoky, Mr. W. B. H., 312, 313 n. 
Leiva, Alonso de, 148, 316. 
Lemattre, M. Jules, on actors, 193 n. 
Lemcke, Ludwig, 175 and n. 
Lemos, Conde. de, 148, 149; protects 

Cervantes, 230; becomes Viceroy of 

Naples, ibid. ; 295, 296 n, 315, 316. 
Liocadie, 242. 
Leonardo de Argensola, Bartolome, 148, 

230, 262. 
Leonardo de Argensola, Lupercio, 148 ; 

his plays damned, 192-193 ; 230. 
Ledn, Luis de, 148, 204 and n. 
Lepanto, 28-32. 

Lerma, 209, 210, 218 n, 230, 263. 
Le Sage, Alain Eene, 9 ; on Gdngora, 

146 ; on Avellaneda's Bon Quixote, 266 

and n, 267 and n. 
Licenciado Vidriera, El, 235. 
Lilian de Riaza, Pedro, 134, 149. 
Litta, Pompeo, 17 n. 

Llorente, 11 n. 

Lobeira, Vbboo de, 120. 

Lodge, 116, 117. 

Lo Frasso, Antonio de, 121, 249, 253. 

Lomas Oantoral, Hieronimo de, 149, 154. 

Longfellow, 231, 242, 262 n. 

Lope de Kueda, father of the Spanish 

stage, 10 ; in Algiers, 51 and n, 163 et 

seq. ; his plays given in the Cathedrals, 

167 ; his drama, 170-172 ; 173, 250. 
Lope de Vega, see Vega Ca,rpio. 
Ldpez de Alday, Pedro, 200 n. 
Ldpez de Hoyos, 11, 152, 304 and n. 
Ldpez de Sedano, 140, 141, 143, 145, 149, 

Ldpez de Vicuna, Juan, edits Gdugora's 

poems, 146. 
Ldpez Madera, Gregorio, 171 n. 
Ldpez Maldonado, 138, 141, 143, 146, 149, 

154, 155, 197, 316. 
Loredauo, Pietro, 20-21. 
Louis of Nassau, 90. 
Louis, St., 37. 
Love's Pilgrimage, 2t2. 
Lowell, Mr. James Russell, 283. 
Luoan, 131, 299 n. 
Lujan, 150. 

Lujau de Sayavedra, Mateo, 150, 261. 
Luzan, Ignacio de, on Lope de Vega, 

190 ». 
Lyly, 115. 

Mabbe, Jambs, translates the Gelestina, 

McMaster, John Bach, 169 n. 
Maoaulay, 281, 283 and n. 
Macchiavelli, 99 and n, 113 and n. 
Maoias, El Enamorado, 201 and n. 
Macias, Sebastian, 220, 221. 
Madame Bovary, 269. 
Madoz, Pascnal, 157 n. 
Mahomet, 37, 48 n. 
Mainez, D. Bamda Ledu, 102, 195 n, 208 

and n, 263. 
Maison Tellier, La, 311. 
Major, R. H., 91 n. 
Maldonado, Hernando, 150. 
Maldonado, see Ldpez Maldonado. 
Malory, 117. 
Manon Lescaut, 269. 
Manrique, Jorge de, 147. 
Mariana, Juan de, on the Spanish theatre, 

106 n; ibid. 167-168, 168 n, 169; im 

prisoned, 204. 
Marivanx, see Carlefc de Marivaux. 
Marlow, 307, 



Marmolejo, Luis, 196. 

Marmontel, 315 n. 

Marot, 307. 

Mdrquez Torres, 315. 

Marti, Juan, see Lujan de Sayavedra. 

Martial, 133. 

Martinengo, 27. 

Martinez de la Rosa, Francisoo, 177 n. 

Martinez de Ribera, 150. 

Masuooio Salernitauo, see Guardato. 

Maupassant, M. Guy de, 311. 

Maximilian II., 22. 

Mayans, 278 n. 

Medici, Catherine de, 10, 11 n, 95. 

Medici, Lorenzo de, 134. 

Medina, Francisco de, 150. 

Medina Sidonia, 275. 

Meli, 283. 

Mena, Juan de, 1, 153. 

Mendez, Simdn, 224, 225, 226. 

Mendez Silva, Eodrigo, 1 and n, 2 n, 

59 n, 67. 
Mendo^a, Salazar de, 2 n. 
Mendonija Furtado, Pedro, 91. 
Mendoza, see Hurtado de Mendoza. 
Mendoza, Francisoo de, 150. 
Mendoza, Fray Alonso de, on the theatre, 

Mendoza, Eodrigo de, 154. 
Meneses, fellow-prisoner with Cervantes 

in Algiers, 53. 
Merim^e, Prosper, 283, 300 n. 
Merlhiac, Gilibert de, 143. 
Mesa, Cristdbal de, 140, 141, 148, 150. 
Meung, Jean de, 307, 311 n. 
Mexia, 118. 

Meztanza, Juan de, 150. 
Michel, Franoisque, 37 n. 
Middleton, 114 «, 242. 
Miranda, Diego de, 224, 225, 226. 
Mirandola, Pico della, 112 and n. 
Mooenigo, 21, 36 n. 
Molifere, 168 and n, 281 and n. 
Moncada, Miguel de, 19. 
Montaigne, 307. 

Montalvo, see Luis Galvez de Montalvo. 
Montemayor, 120 and n, 134, 146, 261. 
Montero, Eodrigo, 223, 224, 226. 
Montesdooa, Pedro de, 150. 
Mohtesquieu, 281-282. 
Montreux, Nicolas de, 109. 
Morales, Alonso de, 151, 247, 317. 
Morales, Gaspar de, 147. 
Moran, D. Jerdnimo, 13 and n, 227 n. 
Moratin, 242. 
More, Sir Thomas, 112. 
Morel-Fatio, M . Alfred, 14 n, 228 n, 308 n. 

Morgan, Joseph, 4 n, 67. 
I Morley, Lord, 112 and n. 
Mosquera de Figueroa, Cristdbal, 90 n, 

96 «, 101 n, 102 n, 142, 151. 
Miihlberg, 89. 
Munio, Adefonso, 3. 
Munio, Alfonso, 2 n. 
Munio, Fernando, 2 n. 
Munio, Juan, ? n. 
Munio, Pedro, 2 n. 
Munio, Telle^ 2 n. 
Miiniz, Ximena, marries Pedro Guti&rez 

de Toledo, 2 ; ancestress of Don John 

of Austria, 26. 
Murillo, Diego, 151-152. 
Muro, D. Gaspar, 78 n. 
Mustafa Pasha, 24, 25, 27. 

Nahakeo, reforms the scene, 172, 173. 

Naharro, see Torres Naharro. 

Naples, 7 ; Cervantes' admiration for, 

Nash, 117. 

Nava Cabeza de Vaoa, Juan de, 196. 
Navarrete, fellow-prisoner of Cervantes 

in Algiers, 53. 
Navarrete, see Fernandez de Navarrete. 
Navas, Juan de, 221. _ 

Negrdn, Luciano de, 199 n. 
Newman, Cardinal, 268, 302 and n. 
Nicholas, Alexandre, 143. 
Notre Dame de Paris, 24i2. 
Novelas Ejemplares, 38, 231-243. 
Nufro Sanchez, 200. 
Numanda, La, 174, 175-177, 259-260. 
Nunez de Guzman, 6. 
NuHo Alfonso, 1, 60 n. 
Nymphidia, 279. 

OoHOA, Eugenic, 170 n. 

Oliphant, Mrs., 61 n. 

Olivares, 205. 

Oliyar, Fray Jorge de, 65 n ; in Haedo's 

narrative, 69. 
Opitz, Martin, 110. 
Orena, Baltasar, 152. 
Osorio, Eodrigo, 192, 197. 
Otway, 11. 1 

Ovaudo, Constanza, 221, 225. 
Ovid, edited by Sanchez, 153. 
Oviedo, Juan de, 199 and n. 

Pacheoo de Sotomatoe, Magdalbn-a, 134. 
Pacheco, Francisco (the artist), 200. 



Paoheoo, Franoisoo (the poet), 152. 

Paoheco, Bodrigo, 207. 

Paoioti, 38. 

Padilla, Pedro de, 141, 145, 146, 147, 

149, 152, 197, 316. 
Painter's Palace of Pleasure, 113 and n. 
Palaoioa Salazar j Vozmediano, Catalina 
de, figured as Galatea, 134, 137 ; marriea 
Cervantes, 138 ; her dowry, 191 ; pub- 
lishes Pdrsiles, 290; her deiith, 298 
and n; her married life, 309, 310, 313. 
Pariente, Cosme, 152. 
Parkman, Mr. Francis, 169 n. 
Paruta, Paolo, 20 n, 2i and n, 27 n. 
Passavanti, 267. 
Pastor Fido, 73, 74 n. 
Pastrana, Duque de, 224, 225, 226, 227 n. 
Paul et Virginie, 269. 
Pazos 7 Figueioa, Antonio Mauricio de. 
Bishop of Avila, 82 and n, 83 and tv, 84, 
85 and n, 86 and n, 87 and n, 88 and n. 
Pedro de Vrdemalas, 181. 
Pedrosa, Luis de, 51, 65. 
Peele, George, 76 n. 
Pellioer, Gasiano, 160 n, 166, 172 n, 

192 n, 193 n. 

Pellioer, Juan Antonio, 153, 218, 219 n, 

218 n. 
Perez, Alonso, 120 and n, 261. 
Perez, Andres, 211-212, 212 n. 
Perez, Antonio, 38 n, 170. 
Perez de Montalvan, Juan, 317 n. 
Pirsiles y Sigisitvanda, 17, 18, 285-294. 
Persius, edited by Sanchez, 153. 
Petrarch, 8, 111, 112 and n, 118, 145. 
Peyrat, Jean du, 140. 
Phsedrus the Myrrinhusian, 132. 
Philibert Emmanuel, Duke of Savoy, 77. 
Philip II., 7, 12, 13, 15, 17, 22, 32, 35, 36, 

37, 76, 77, 78, 79, 80 ; in the afifair of 

the Marques de Ooria, 81-89 and nn ; 

94, 97; at the theatre, 173 and n; 

death of his daughter Catalina, 192- 

193 ; death and obsequies of, 199-200. 
PhiUp III., removes the Court to Valla- 

dolid, 208; is bribed to return to 
Madrid, 227 ; apocryphal story with 
regard to Don Quixote, 278 n. 

Philip IV., 217. 

Phillips, Ambrose, 118. 

PiaU Pasha, 24. 

Picwra Justma, ha, 9, 212, 262 and n. 

Pike, Mr. Luke Owen, 14 n. 

Pinto Kibeiro, Joao, 91. 

Pins v., 23 ; on Doria's tactics, 29. 

Pizarro, 7- 

Plautus, 135, 171. 

Politian, edited by Sanchez, 153. 

Pollock, W. F., 283 n. 

Polo, Marco, 112 and n. 

Polo, see Gil Polo. 

Polyglot, The Oomplutensian, 6. 

Ponce, Bartholome, 120 n. 

Ponce de Ledn, Manuel, 33. 

Pope, Alexander, .118, 267 and n, 280 

and n. 
Portooarrero, 38. 

Porto das Moas, Action at, 98, 100. 
Portuguese, Cervantes' weakness for the, 

Presoott, W. H., 13 n, 36 n, 37 n. 
Preville, 173 n. 
Prevost, Abbe, 269. 
Futtenham, 111 and n. 
Puyol, 32. 

QOESADA, Pedro Cakiho de, captured 

on the Sol with Cervantes, 41 ; god- 

father to Don Quixote, ibid. 
Quevedo, 142-143 ; edits Luis de Ledn's 

poems, 148 ; imprisoned, 204-205 ; 

209, 239, 248, 264 n, 317. 
Quirini, 27. 

Rabelais, 305 and n, 306, 307, 311 n. 

Eagonasco, 27. 

Baleigh, 307. 

Eamirez, Mariana de, 223, 225. 

Kanucoio, Duke of Parma, 77. 

Raumer, Friedrioh von, 11 n. 

Rebello da Silva, Luiz Augusto, 90 n, 

95 n, 96 TO. 
Bebolledo, Bernardino de, 146. 
Renegades in Algiers, 46-47 ; treatment 

of reverting renegades, 53 and n, 
Eetablo de las Mara villas, El, 183, 302. 
Eibeiro, Bernardino, 109, 134. 
Bibeiro, see Pinto Bibeiro. 
Eibera, Pedro de, 64. 
Bibera, Sancho de, 152. 
Bichardson, Samuel, 213. 
Einconete y Cortadillo, 233-234. 
Bios, fellow-prisoner of Cervantes in 
- Algiers, 53. 
Eivadeneyra, 189, 140, 141, 143, 144, 145, 

147, 150, 151, 154, 155, 171 n, 205 v, 

2U9 TO, 212 TO, 218 n, 219 n, 262 n, 

Bojas, Agustin de, 143, 149, 155. 
Bojas de Montalvan, Fernando, completes 

the Celestina, 160. 
Bomano, Ezzelino de, 61. 

2 D 



Eonsard, 307. 

Eosell, D. Cayetauo, 33 n, 36 n, 138. 

Eossetti, 299 n. 

Eotrou, Jean de, 243. 

Eoussean, Jean-Jacques, 282. 

Rowe, 280 and n. 

Rufidn Dichoso, M, 179-180, 305. 

Eufian Tiudo, El, 183. 

Eufo, Juan Gutierrez, 153, 197. 

Euiz de Alarcdn, Juan, 228. 

Rule a Wife a'lid have a Wife, 243. 

Eustant, Vicente de, 79 n, 83 n. 

Saavedea, Juan Bernabk be, uncle of 
Cervantes, 206. 

Saavedra, Isabel de, daughter of Cer- 
vantes, 103-105, 221, 225, 226, 298 
and n. 

Sackville, 115. 

Sade, Marquis de, see Justine. 

Sainte-Beuve,' 266 and n. 

Saint-Evremond, 282 and n. 

Saint-Pierre, J. H. Bernardiu, 269. 

Saintsbury, Mr. George, 76 n. 

Sainz de Baranda, D. Pedro, 78 n. 

Salbaiia, Conde de, 247. 

Salcedo, 200. 

Saloedo Villandrando, Juan de, 153. 

Salinas, Conde de, 247. 

Salto y de Castilla, Beltran, fellow- 
prisoner of Cervantes in Algiers, 53, 

Salva, Miguel, 78 n. 

Salva, Vicente, 197 n. 

Salvini, 114 n. 

Sanchez, Francisco de, 153. 

Sanchez Liaiio, Pray Antonio, 206. 

Sancto Pietro, commands the Mwrqv.esa 
at Lepanto, 26. 

Sanotoyo de Molina, 201, 202 n. 

Sandoval y Rojas, Bernardo de, protects 
Cervantes, 229-230, 315. 

Sannazzaro, 8; discovers the new Arcadia, 
105 ; his imitators, 105 efc seq. ; pas- 
toralism, 106-109; his influence. 111 
et seq., 117, 133, 134. 

Santa Cruz, 37, 90; at the Azores, 92; 
defeats Strozzi, 96 ; his severity, 96- 
98; sails for Lisbon, 98; returns to 
Teroeira, ibid.; tortures Da Silva, 100, 
101, 102 n, 151. 

Santillana, 118. 

Santisteban, Mateo de, 28, 62. 

Santisteban y Osorio, Diego de, 153 

Sanz de Portilla, 153. 

Sanz de Zumeta, 153, 198 n. 

Sarmiento, Martin, 4. 

Sarmiento y Carvajal, Diego de, 154. 

Scaliger, 307. 

Sohack, Priedrioh von, 213 and n. 

Soberer, Wilhelm, 110 n. 

Schiller, 11. 

Sohlegel, A. W. von, 8, 175 and n, 177. 

Schlegel, P. von, 8. 

Schoppe, Gaspar, 153 ; reputed to be 

Avellaneda, 262-263. 
Soioppius, see Schoppe. 
Scott, Sir Walter, 115, 216. 
Soadery, Mile. Madeleine de, 110. 
Sebastian I. of Portugal, 22, 76. 
Selim II., 19, 20, 24. 

Senancour, Etienue Pivert de, 172 and n. 
Senan y Alonso, D. Bloy, 14 n. 
Senora Cornelia, La, 237, 243. 
Serrano, 3 n. 
Servando, San, 2 n. 
Sesa, Duque de, 40, 41, 53. 
Shakspere, 113, 117, 175, 297, 307. 
Shelley, 259 and to. 
Shelton, 279. 
Sidi Alba, 37. 
Sidney, Sir Philip, 115, 116 and n, 117, 

131, 133, 134, 307. 
Silva, Feliciano de, 211. 
Silva, Juan de, 154. 
Silva, Manuel da, Conde de Torres Vedras, 

96, 100, tortured by Santa Cruz, 101 

and TO. 
Sir Launcelot Greaves, 279. 
Sismondi, 175 and to, 291 n. 
Skelton, 117. 
Smollett, 279. 
Sol, The, Cervantes embarks for Spain 

on, 41 ; captured, ibid. ; 61. 
Solis, Antonio de, imitates La Gitanilla, 

Solyman the Magnificent, 19. 
Sonate a, Kreutzer, La, 312 to. 
Sonetti Lussoriosi, 74. 
Sorbellone, Gabriel, 38, 40 and n. 
Sorel, Charles, 110. 
Soria, Pedro de, 154. 
Sosa, Antonio, imprisoned in Algiers, 51; 

his experiences, 52-53 ; 56 m, 64 n, 65 

and TO. 
Sotomayor, Maria de, 221-222. 
Spence, 280 n. 
Spenser, 307. 
Steele, 280 and to. 
Still, 171. 

Stirling, Mr., see Stirling-Maxwell. 
Stirling-Maxwell, Sir William, 147, 200 to, 

278, 299 TO. 



Storaoe, Baldassare, 17 n. 

Straoo, 27. 

Strozzi, Philippe de, 95 and n, 96. 

Suarez de Sosa, 154. 

Supposes, 114. 

Surrey, 111. 

Swift, 66, 252, 253. 

Symonds, Mr. John Addington, 60. 

Tamatto de Vaegas, Tomas, 155, 202 n. 

Tansillo, Luigi, 107. 

Tasais y Peralta, Juan de, 247, 250. 

Tasso, 294. 

Telle Murielliz, 1. 

Temple, Sir William, 279. 

Tentation de St. Antoine, Le, 269. 

Ternaux-Compans, 101 n. 

Terrazas, Francisco de, 154. 

Tertnllian, 164-165 and n. 

Theatre, Spanish, early development, 
159-164; in Cervantes' time, 184 
and n ; eEEeot of nationalism on, 186- 
189 ; struggle with the Church, 164, 
167, 192; closed by Philip II., 193 
and n. 

Theophraatus, 279. 

Theocritus, 171. 

Thevenot, Melohisedeo, 101 n. 

Tia Fingida, La, 231, 238-239. 

Tioknor, George, 7 n, 138, 140, 157 n ; on 
the Numancia, 175 and n, 176-177 ; on 
Lope de Vega's Dragontea and Herma. 
sura de Angilica, 197 n ; oa the Viaje, 
250 ; 293 and n ; 299 n, 301 n. 

Tieck, Ludwig, 144. 

Tiepolo, 35. 

Tilliot, du, on the Feast of Fools, 167 n. 

Tintoretto, 32. 

Tirso de Molina, 242, 317 n. 

Titian, 32. 

Toledo, Antonio de, 54. 

Toledo, Baltasar de, 154. 

Tolstoi, Count L6on, 312. 

Torres, Baltasar de, aids Cervantes to 
escape, 58. 

Torres, Luis, 22, 35. 

Torres Naharro, Bartolomfi, his Propa- 
ladia, 161 at seq. ; his Tenellaria, 162 
and n. 

Torres y Agailera, Hieronymo, 27 n, 
32 n, 37 n, 38 n, 40 n. 

Torsay, 95 n. 

Tottel, 111. 

Trato de Argel, El, 62, 65 n, 178, 179, 

Trevelyan, Sir George, 190 n. 

Trigueros, Candido Maria, 137. 

Trissino, 120. 

Troylus and Criseyde, 114. 

Tunis, expedition against, 36-38 ; re- 

captured by Aluoh Ali Pasha, 39. 
Tarberville, George, 114 and n. 
Turgenev, M. Ivan, 269 and n, 283. 
Twells, John, 153. 
Two Married Women and the Widow, The, 

Twyne, Thomas, 112 and n. 

Uebina, Dibgo de, 19. 

TJrbina, Isabel de. Lope de Vega's first 

wife, 194. 
TJrbina, Juan de, 101. 
TJrrea, see Jimenez de Urrea. 

Valoazak, Juan de, captijred on the Sol 
with Cervantes, 65 n. 

Valdes, Alonso, 154. 

Valdez, Diego de, 92-93. 

Valdez, Pedro de, 92-94. 

Vanderhammen, Lorenzo, 37 n, 38 n, 39 n. 

Vargas Manrique, Luis de, 154. 

Vasco Pereyra, 200. 

Vauvenarguea, Luo de Clapiers, Marquis 
de, 259. 

Vazquez de Leca Colona, Mateo, Cer- 
vantes' letter to, 61 ; 76, 261, 202 n. 

Vega, Fernando de, 65. 

Vega, Garcilaso de la, his influence on 
Spanish poetry, 8, 12 ; on Bosoan's 
translation of II Oortigiano, 74 n ; 119, 
120, 147, 153 ; imprisoned, 204 and n ; 
quoted by Lope de Vega, 213. 

Vega, Hernando de, 65 n. 

Vega, Marco Antonio de la, 155. 

Vega Carpio, Lope Felix de, 61, 102, 139, 
140, 142, 144, 145, 147, 149, 150, 155, 
171 ; leads the new school of drama- 
tists, 189-191 ; his influence on Cal- 
derda, 191 ; death o£ his first wife, 
194 ; rejected by Filis, ibid.; serves in 
the Armada, ibid. ; his Dragontea, 197 
and n ; imprisoned, 204 ; lauds Bejar; 
hostility to Cervantes, 212-213, 248, 
264-265; inspires Avellaneda, 262 et 

Velazquez, Jerdnimo, 204. 

Velazquez, Luiz, 163 n. 

Velazquez de Silva, Diego, 32. 

Velhal Cabral, Gouzalo, 91 n. 

Venice, 20-21 ; search for allies, 21-24 ; 
eecedes from the Holy League, 34-36, 
36 ». 



Vergara, Jnan de, 6. '\ 

Vergara, Jnan de, 141, 153. 
Viaje .del.Famaso, 31, 40, 244-257, 299:,*, 
"Vfaiia, strives to rescue Cervantes, S4r^Sv; ■ 
65. '^: •> , 

Viardot, Louis, 283. '" ' *, 

Vida], Peirfe, 18. •.'"' '' , 

Vieil-Castel, Louis de, 163 and *,!lV2.' ' 
Tiejo CeloBo, Ml, 183, 802. ■•'•••* '■ ^ - 
Tiejo y la Nina, La, 242. ' • *■ 

Tillalobos, 224. '■ f' ^ '^ 

Yillaldn, Cristdbal de, 65'«.. 
Villaroel, Oristdbal de, 155. 
Tillegas, 8. j i.. ,,r V • 
Timioso, 95,„96. 

Vinies, ,Criil0batdei 32, 144^ 155. 
Tivaldo, Adan, 3rS6,i, 
Tivar, Bautista, 155. 
Voltaire, 34, 35 and n, 282. 
Voffiins, Gerardns Joannes, 153. 
Voyage ct Vile de France, *2'69. ' ■ ' 

Walpole, HonACB, 137. 
Walpole, ^ir,«o)bert, 205. 
Weber,;OarrMaria, 242," 

Wergeland, 308 and n. 

Whiitehorne, Peter, 113 and «. 


Wilkinson, 118. 

Windham, Colonel W., 4 n. 

Winterling.'C. M.; 143. 

Wirsiing, 161 n. 

Wolff,-' PiriS Alexander, dramatises La 

Oitamilla, 242. 
Wright, Thomas, 167 n. 
Wyatt, lllv '' 

XiMENBs, Caedinal, *§i-6:' 
Ximepez Patdn, Bartolq: 

TusTE, CharlesV. at, 7i 

Z'ANE, GlBOLAMp, 25. 

Zapata, Luis, IS, 142. 
Zesen, Philip von, 110. 
Zitolomiui, Jafaopo, 39. 
Zuniga, 13 n, 24. 
Zdniga, Matias de, 156.